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The Native Polity of Ponape
Saul H. Riesenberg
115 pages, Vol. 10, 4 figures, 12 plates, 5
1968 (Date of Issue: 31 December 1968)
Vol. 10, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.10.1
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Abstract

The island of Ponape lies at 6°54′ north latitude and 158°14′ east longitude, near the eastern end of the archipelago that comprises the Caroline Islands. Ponape and the nearby atolls of Pakin and Ant constitute the Senyavin group. Kusaie, the next major island to the east and last of the Caroline chain, is 307 nautical miles distant; and Truk is 383 miles to the west. Ponape is about midway between Honolulu and Manila, 2,685 and 2,363 miles distant, respectively.

The land area of Ponape as usually given is 334 square kilometers (129 square miles). Except for a few coastal plains and lower slopes, most of the island is ruggedly mountainous with several ranges and high peaks, the highest rising to 791 meters (nearly 2,600 feet), the highest peak in the Carolines. The mountain tops are often covered with cloud and mist. The island interior consists largely of basalt, with some andesite and other volcanic rock. The lower slopes and level areas are mostly sand and gravel. Here and there, most spectacularly on Sokehs Island, are high cliffs of columnar basalt, with columnar talus at their bases. Streams and waterfalls abound. The streams are very active after every rainfall and deposit alluvium in great flats.

The main island is roughly circular in outline. About 20 square miles of its area consists of coastal mangrove swamp; there are few beaches. Surrounding the island is an encircling reef, distant from the coast about 2 miles on the average and broken here and there by passages between the lagoon and the open sea. Where the reef rises above sea level, some 15 coral islets are formed. The lagoon between the main island and the encircling reef is of varying depth and contains many heads of live coral that may rise close to the water surface. It occupies about 98 square miles of water and includes in it 23 small islands of the same volcanic materials as the main island. Also in the lagoon are a number of alluvial islands lying close to the shore and, in the east, off Temwen Island, some 90 artificial islets are grouped together that contain the well-known archeological ruins of Nan Madol. All of these smaller islands together occupy an area of about 5 square miles.

Ponape, like the rest of the Carolines, is in the doldrum belt. This belt swings north May to July and south August to November, accompanied by stormy weather and heavy rain. The trade winds blow from the east December to April and move around more to the south the rest of the year. Typhoons are much less common than in western Micronesia.

Relative humidity is high; the monthly averages are 79 to 91 percent and are lowest in March and April. Rainfall is very heavy and is rather uniform throughout the year, though somewhat less in January to March. The annual average precipitation is 178 inches. The monthly temperature means are from 78° to 82° F., the extremes are 68° and 92° F.

The extensive mangrove swamps that line much of the low shore consist of Sonneratia, Rhizophora, Bruguiera, Lumnitzera, Xylocarpus, Heritiera, and also Nypa palm. Strand vegetation occurs largely on the reef islands and where the land of the main island starts to rise inland of the mangroves. Behind the strand and mangroves is a narrow strip of coastal plain vegetation, originally primary rain forest but now mainly occupied by single dwellings or small clusters of buildings and by cultivated areas. (Very few localities on Ponape can properly be called villages.) The cultivated areas contain coconut groves, banana, breadfruit, citrus, sweet potatoes, manioc, aroids (Cyrtosperma, Alocasia, and Colocasia), and a few other cultivated plants of less importance, as well as such trees as Ficus, Calophyllum, Terminalia, ivory nut palm, Pandanus, Macaranga, Morinda, and Hibiscus, with some grasses and undergrowth.

The rain forest is very dense and rich. Ponape has the most extensive native forests in Micronesia. Uninterrupted jungle covers most of the interior and reaches to the coast in a few places. The forest covers most of the steep slopes and summits and some lowlands. The lower primary forests contain large trees, palms, climbers, ferns, orchids, and other epiphytes. On the slopes where rain forest has been destroyed there are mixed coconut and breadfruit groves, also bananas, Alocasia, and some shrubbery. The montane rain forests consist of scrubby, mossy woods on the steep slopes and ridges, where the soil is thin. Tree ferns, Exorrhiza and Ponapea palms, Freycinetia, and many stunted broad-leaved trees bearing epiphytes predominate. On the high open crests are dwarfed shrubs, dwarfed Exorrhiza, tree ferns, dense growths of Pandanus, or open bogs. Grassland is rare.

According to Baker (1951) some 39 species of birds occur on Ponape, including sea birds, migratory shore birds, and land and fresh water birds. Among the species are a heron, a duck, seven of the snipe-sandpiper family, six gulls and terns, two doves and a pigeon, a lory, an owl, a kingfisher, two flycatchers, two starlings, three white-eyes, and two weaver finches. Insects are numerous but comprise only a small number of genera. The only land reptiles are a few species of lizard. There were only three mammals, aboriginally: rats, bats, and dogs; pigs were introduced in very early postcontact times, and some are now feral, as are the deer brought in during German times. In contrast, the lagoon is rich in fishes, mollusks, crustacea, and other marine fauna, including two kinds of turtles.


A Comparison of Formative Cultures in the Americas: Diffusion or the Psychic Unity of Man
James A. Ford
211 pages, Vol. 11, 32 figures, 13 tables
1969 (Date of Issue: 10 December 1969)
Vol. 11, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.11.1
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I have had an interest in the American Formative culture for some years and have searched for it with limited or no success in Colombia, Peru, Mexico, and the eastern United States. However, I stumbled into the present study entirely by accident. Meggers, Evans, and Estrada's Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador was published while Matthew Wallrath, Alfonso Medellín Z., and I were finishing the classification of several hundred thousand sherds from our excavations in Pre-Classic sites on the coast of Veracruz, Mexico. Wallrath was immediately impressed by the close resemblance of engraved wares from the Machalilla Phase to those we were working with from the site of Chalahuites. Upon careful reading of this well-illustrated tome, a number of unexplained resemblances between ceramics and other features of early North, Central, and South American cultures began to crystallize into patterns.

For six months after returning to the United States, I dutifully continued to work on the report of the Mexican excavations. The problem of Formative relationships, however, occupied more and more of my attention, and by the spring of 1966 the Veracruz paper had practically been shelved.

Correspondence with other archeologists working on the Formative led to plans to hold a week of discussion on this problem at the Florida State Museum in Gainesville. A grant toward the expenses of travel was made by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research of New York, and the conference took place 17-22 October 1966. Participants were the collaborators listed on p. v, with the exception of Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, who was unable to attend the session, but has actively collaborated in providing criticism and data. Those who came in the capacity of observers were James B. Griffin, University of Michigan; Otto Schöndube of the Museo de Arqueología, Mexico City; Takeshi Ueno, University of Tokyo; and Adelaide Bullen of the Florida State Museum. An agenda had been prepared in the form of preliminary versions of most of the charts included in this volume, and discussions of their shortcomings and implications were spirited and lengthy.

The archeologists listed as collaborators have given generously of their time, information, and opinions as this monograph developed. When each section was completed in tentative form, it was mimeographed and mailed to them for criticism and comment. In most instances I have incorporated the changes suggested, for each consultant has a unique knowledge of the prehistory of the regions where he has worked. Still, I cannot say that all collaborators are happy with the present form of this paper. A principal disquiet arises from the fact that I have glossed over details of chronological and areal information in some cases where these are well known. For example, Sears points to the fact that the east and west coasts of the northern part of the Florida Peninsula have distinct chronologies. So have southern and central Veracruz. Coastal Ecuador should be represented by at least five regional columns, and to attempt to reflect the complex prehistory of Peru in two columns is absurd. Then too, some perfectly good chronologies have been left off the charts. An example is the sequence in the Huasteca region of Mexico developed by Ekholm (1944) and MacNeish (1947). This criticism is just; I admit to some rather heavy-handed simplification.

It has become the admirable pattern in archeological reports to segregate carefully and label the sections reporting factual data, comparisons, conclusions, and speculations. This pattern cannot be followed here, for the obvious reason that the entire paper consists of comparisons, conclusions, and speculations. The comparisons are frequently illustrated by selected specimens, but I wish it understood that these are merely samples. The serious reader is advised to make extensive use of the field reports to which reference is made, and to judge for himself the degrees of resemblance. I do not think that very often I have left myself open to the criticism of having chosen unique or divergent specimens for comparison in an attempt to force conclusions.

Many of the comparisons would be more effective if we had knowledge of the relative popularity of the various features in all areas. We do have this information for ceramics in a number of chronologies, including the north coast of Peru (Virú), coastal Ecuador, Soconusco, Tehuacán, and the Lower Mississippi Valley. Where available, this information has been used.

The collaborators also are not to be accused of agreeing with all the implications and conclusions. MacNeish, for example, suggests that a long evolutionary development of ceramics in northern South America waits to be discovered, of which the Puerto Hormiga culture of Colombia may be a part. Alicia and Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff also suspect that this may be true.

In addition to the collaborators to whom my debt is obvious, I wish to acknowledge indebtedness to a number of others. First, to the Florida State Museum and its Director, J. C. Dickinson, Jr., who has tolerated my rather single-minded preoccupation with this problem. Also, I appreciate the generous forebearance of the National Science Foundation and its Program Director for Anthropology, Richard Lieban. At the time of applying for Grant GS-1002, I fully intended to produce reports on excavations in Veracruz, Marksville, and Poverty Point, Louisiana. Instead, the funds have been diverted into the preparation of this paper.

For several years, Clarence Webb and I have been working on a report on additional specimens from the Poverty Point site in the Lower Mississippi Valley. I am greatly indebted to Webb both for his patience at the delay of the second Poverty Point paper, and for permission to make advance use of some of the data.

Stephen Williams of Peabody Museum, Harvard, made available the papers of Antonio J. Waring on the archeology of the Georgia coast in page proof, permitting me to cite valuable data contained therein.

Robert Heizer of the University of California, Berkeley, has provided information on his and Philip Drucker's recent work at La Venta.

To William G. Haag of Louisiana State University, I owe thanks for his interest in the Formative problem, and for unpublished information on the Stallings Island culture.

Bruce Trickey and Nicholas H. Holmes, Jr., have generously provided data on the Bayou La Batre Phase of coastal Alabama.

Gregory Perino has loaned unpublished manuscripts reporting on his extensive work on Illinois Hopewell.

Sherwood Gagliano, Raymond Baby, and Junius Bird provided valuable information and answered a variety of questions.

Joan Booth, research assistant, typist, and language critic has worked conscientiously, and most intelligently on the preparation of this paper. Timothy Anderson, Paul Frazier, Kathy Notestein, and Bob Nininger have drawn the illustrations.

Anders Richter, Director, and Stephen Kraft, Managing Designer, of the Smithsonian Institution Press were most generous with advice on format, particularly in regard to the presentation of the large chronological charts for publication. Final editing and preparation of the manuscript for the U.S. Government Printing Office was by Joan Horn.

James A. Ford

Florida State Museum

Gainesville, Florida

February 1968


Notes on the History and Material Culture of the Tonkawa Indians
William K. Jones
65–81 pages, Vol. 2, 19 figures, 3 maps
1969 (Date of Issue: 31 December 1969)
Vol. 2,Number 5, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.2.5
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One of the little-known tribes of central Texas was the Tonkawa. Few objects made and used by the Tonkawa are preserved in museum collections, and no description of traditional Tonkawa material culture, based upon a study of actual specimens, has appeared in the literature. Nevertheless, a small but unique collection of Tonkawa materials has been a part of the ethnological collections of the Smithsonian Institution for a century. It is unique, not only because it is the earliest known Tonkawa collection, antedating the extermination of the bison on the Southern Plains, but also because the time, place, and conditions under which the collection was made in the field are well documented. In order to place this collection in a meaningful cultural and chronological context I have prefaced my description of the specimens with a brief historical sketch of the Tonkawa, with particular emphasis upon the years immediately preceding the acquisition of these materials by Dr. McElderry at Fort Griffin, Texas, in 1868.

Although the Tonkawa call themselves Títskan wátitch, “the most human people,” the tribal name is derived from the Waco name for these people, Tonkaweya, meaning “they all stay together.” The Comanche and Kiowa, northwestern neighbors and longtime enemies of the Tonkawa, knew them by names which, in translation, meant “man-eating men” or “maneaters.” The Tonkawan language apparently was affiliated with Karankawa, Comecrudo, and Cotoname through the common Coahuiltecan stock, although too little is known of the languages of those extinct tribes to establish with certainty the closeness of their relationship to Tonkawan.

Available data on Tonkawa population, covering a period of nearly 200 years, indicate that the Tonkawa were not a large tribe. A Spanish estimate in 1778 gives 300 warriors. Sibley estimated the Tonkawa at but 200 men in 1805, and the tribal population continued to decline thereafter. Heavy war losses, epidemics, and loss of tribal identity through marriages outside the tribe, as well as other factors, contributed to this decline. Of the sixty-two Tonkawa Indians on the tribal rolls in 1961, only three individuals were believed to be fullblood Tonkawa. (Swanton, 1952, p. 327; Hasskarl, 1962, p. 228.)

If archeological evidence of the Tonkawa exists, it may be represented in the Toyah Focus of the Central Texas Aspect. Dr. Edward B. Jelks states that if the Toyah Focus material excavated at the Kyle Site, located on the Brazos River just above Whitney Dam in Hill County, Texas, can be related to a historic group, it is probably Tonkawa and/or Jumano. But he also believes that this focus may have come to an end in the late prehistoric period and another, yet undescribed, group may have taken its place. This later group, represented by triangular arrow points, Goliad Plain pottery, and other artifact styles, “may represent the archeological remains of the historic and protohistoric Tonkawa ….” Radiocarbon dates from the Toyah Focus at the Kyle Site range from A.D. 1276±165 years to A.D. 1561±130 years. (Jelks, 1962, p. 99.)


Notebook of a Cherokee Shaman
Jack Frederick Kilpatrick and Anna Gritts Kilpatrick
83–125 pages, Vol. 2
1970 (Date of Issue: 6 May 1970)
Vol. 2,Number 6, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.2.6
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Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya Ga:n(i)sgawi1 was the exemplification of a type institutional in Cherokee culture for well over a hundred years: the medicine man who was also a Christian preacher; who in tribal affairs led in the manner traditionally most acceptable to his people—through precept, persuasion, and selfless activity within the framework of a sanctioned group. Almost his entire existence was expended in the social milieu in which he was born. In the hill-country community in which he resided during most of the years of his maturity, he is remembered with affection. “He was an honest man,” say his old acquaintances—and Cherokees know no higher praise than that resident in the various connotations of the word “honest.”

Ade:lv (var. ade:la), originally a term for “bead(s)” is the presently employed word for “money”; agh(a)dhí:ya signifies “he (she) watches over it”: hence Ade:lagh(a)dhi:ya=“he (she) watches over the bead(s) 'money'.” In contemporary usage the term equates with “treasurer.” The disagreement as to precisely what bird in Oklahoma should be called ga:n(i)sgawi is evidence that the avian called thusly is not native to the country of the Western Cherokee. The true ga:n(i)sgawi is undoubtedly an aquatic bird of the bittern type.

He was born near Jay, Delaware County, Oklahoma about 1896. We have no information as to the identity of his principal master in shamanism. We do know that he was a student of his art when he went into military service during World War I; the notebook under consideration here went with him into battle, and some of the most interesting entries in it pertain to his experiences as a Private in Company I, 358th Infantry. Something of the elemental cast of the man's mind is revealed in such laconic jottings, as: “… o:gahlil:gi tsoí:ne igá:i Duli:sdi ghal:i li vgiyo:hlv:gi (… we fought the third day. On September 11th I was shot).” He never fully recovered from the abdominal wound that he received in France. To the end of his days he walked with a limp, and his wound was a contributing factor to his rather early demise on 3 July 1938.

Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya must always have been something of an idealist. Early in life he became identified with the nativistic Redbird Smith movement2 and was active in its A:mó:hi Fire near his home. It is said that Redbird Smith himself persuaded Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya to take up residence in the southern part of the Cherokee country in order to be closer to the nerve center of the organization which was (and still is) a few miles northeast of Gore, in Sequoyah County.

See Thomas, 1961.

For some reason, Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya came to lose faith in the Redbird Smith movement and removed a few miles north to the Indian community of Gwagwó:hi, in the vicinity of the post office of Barber, in Cherokee County, where he spent the remainder of his life. Here he married and reared a family of eight or nine children, and here he affiliated himself with the Sycamore Tree Cherokee Baptist Church in which he rose to leadership, becoming church secretary, deacon, and a licensed minister. We possess a number of manuscripts in Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya's precise Sequoyan that pertain to the affairs of the church he served.

Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya was a medicine man before he became a Christian, and he continued to practice his profession after his conversion. We have examined a letter of his to another shaman which is a powerful apologia for the Christian religion. Ade:lagh(a)dhí:ya appears to have been known for no particular specialties. He was a full-fledged dida:hnvwi:sg(i);3 a general practitioner, so to speak. While his reputation was not awesome, it was solid. His medicine was “live,” as the Cherokees say. As such collections go, his library of medicomagical manuscripts must have been rather sizable, but it was dispersed at his demise. Although we have managed to recover a part of it, much of it is no doubt irretrievably lost, and that which exists is in a poor state of preservation.

“One who cures (m.a.) them, he (she).”


An Archeological Survey of Southwest Virginia
C. G. Holland
194 pages, 43 figures, 28 plates, 9 tables
1970 (Date of Issue: 27 May 1970)
Vol. 12, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.12.1
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Abstract

Seventeen counties of southwestern Virginia, which are bounded by North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and West Virginia, were surveyed archeologically in 1963-1964. Aboriginal occupation was found to extend from about 9000-8000 B.C. to A.D. 1700. The sites and occupational debris of pottery, stone, and bone are described, classified, and analyzed to construct an outline of the prehistory of the region and its cultural relationship with surrounding areas.


Sandpaintings of the Navaho Shootingway and The Walcott Collection
Leland C. Wyman
102 pages, 44 plates, 5 tables
1970 (Date of Issue: 11 June 1970)
Vol. 13, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.13.1
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A brief account of the Navaho and their ceremonial system (“religion”) and practice of ritual, with its sanctioning mythology, provides background for the discussion of the sandpaintings of the Shootingway chantway, its Mountain-Shootingway phase, and its Evilway ritual. A short section on the mythology of the male and female branches of Shootingway relates its major mythic motifs to the following account of the symbols and designs of its sandpaintings. Special attention is given to the rarely performed Sun's House phase of male Shootingway and the double sandpainting, Sky-reaching Rock, the most elaborate of all sandpainting designs, which is especially associated with this phase. Finally, there is a detailed descriptive catalog of the 28 reproductions of Navaho sandpaintings in the Mrs. Charles D. Walcott Collection, now in the United States National Museum.


Navajo Political Process
Aubrey W. Williams, Jr.
75 pages, Vol. 9, 1 figure, 10 plates, 6 maps, 6
1970 (Date of Issue: 25 June 1970)
Vol. 9, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.9.1
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The purpose of this work is to describe the function of various political structures and their incorporation into the Navajo way of life. The data presented in this study were collected over a 2-year period—January 1961 to December 1963—during which I spent 18 months on the Navajo Reservation and adjoining areas as a participant-observer of Navajo culture. The report was written, in part, while I was in the field in order to utilize both historical and contemporary documents maintained by the Navajo Tribe and the Bureau of Indian Affairs at Window Rock, Arizona.

My introduction to contemporary Navajo life was as an employee of the Navajo Tribe in the capacity of an ethnographer. On January 1, 1961, I became a member of a research team seeking ethnohistorical facts from elderly Navajos to support a land claims case against the U.S. Government. On the afternoon of the day I arrived on the Navajo Reservation, I was “presented” with two 4-wheel-drive Jeeps, two tape recorders, two interpreters, four Navajo helpers, and a list of Navajo place names and personal names which I was to go out and locate and interview on the following day. I was told that I could spend the remainder of the afternoon securing food and provisions for my research team for a 3-week stay in the field. During the next 2 months nearly 150 informants over the age of 60 years were interviewed (a maximum of 14 on any single day) concerning the cultural patterns of their families and relatives as far back in time as each informant was able to remember.

My work with the Navajo Tribe put me in contact with many tribal officials, traders, Bureau of Indian Affairs personnel, missionaries, grazing committee members, and chapter officers in all parts of the Navajo Reservation. The most frequent contact was with chapter officials; we frequently utilized chapter houses as temporary headquarters in our search for informants. In most cases it was necessary to obtain the approval of each chapter's officers before we were allowed to use chapter buildings for interviews and living quarters. I soon learned that obtaining this approval was no mere formality even though we had the general blessings of the Navajo Tribal Council and the approval of the tribal government to conduct such inquiries. Chapter officers almost invariably wanted to know a great deal about what we hoped to do with the information we were planning to collect, and why certain members of their chapter had been named as prospective informants. The independent spirit and actions of each chapter organization aroused my interest and resulted in the study presented here.

I am indebted to a great many people for the information presented herein. Chronologically, I am grateful to David M. Brugge, J. Lee Correll, Clyde Peshlakai, Bernadine Whitegoat, and Maxwell Yazzi who first introduced and interpreted Navajo culture to me on the Navajo Reservation. I am indebted to John Y. Begaye and Ralph Johns who, as tribal employees, allowed me to pester both them and their staffs with questions about Navajo life for over 14 months. I owe a great debt to the hundreds of Navajo men and women who tried to answer my questions concerning the operation of their chapter organization. Thanks are due to Jane Erickson who helped in final proofreading and to Mary Anne Libby who assisted in indexing the study.

My greatest debt is that which I owe to Edward H. Spicer who acted as the supervisor of my graduate studies in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Arizona. I feel certain that without his gentle but persistent demand for the highest possible quality of workmanship both in the field and in writing, the study would not contain what clarity it now possesses.

The research for this paper was financially supported by a Comin's Fund Fellowship from the Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, for the months of June, July, and August 1961, and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research fellowship awarded in June 1962. I am also indebted to the Bureau of Ethnic Research, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, for the appointment as a Research Assistant on their Navajo Project under the auspices of the National Cancer Institute in the months of October 1962 to May 1963.

Finally, I wish to thank my wife, Rebecca, whose thoughtful evaluation and insight throughout the original formulation, during the many months of field work, and in the countless hours of first, second, and third rewriting phases of the work has been a constant inspiration throughout the total study.

A.W.W.

University of Maryland

College Park, Maryland

31 July 1967


Biesterfeldt: A Post-Contact Coalescent Site on the Northeastern Plains
W. Raymond Wood
109 pages, 16 figures, 20 plates, 9 tables
1971 (Date of Issue: 17 August 1971)
Vol. 15, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.15.1
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Biesterfeldt is a fortified village of about sixty earth lodges on the Sheyenne River in eastern North Dakota. A large central earth lodge faces a central plaza, with dwellings randomly set elsewhere in the village. The site setting, village plan, and structures are like those of historic Mandan and Arikara villages. Pottery attributes are well within the range of sedentary Missouri River groups, and only a few elements distinguish Biesterfeldt pottery from that of the Arikara. The site is dated about 1750 to 1790, when trade goods had displaced many native tools of bone and stone. In the thirty years since W. D. Strong dug the site, new data have accumulated which require revisions in the interpretation of the Biesterfeldt component: the artifact complex conforms to that of Post-Contact Coalescent sites of the Plains Village pattern in the Missouri River trench to the west.

The identification of Biesterfeldt as Cheyenne is based on circumstantial evidence; its occupants are uncertain, but the Cheyenne provide the most economical hypothesis. The Cheyenne migration from the Minnesota area was by individual groups, not as a tribal body. Sedentary villages on the Minnesota River and on the Missouri were coeval with the village (or villages) on the Sheyenne River. The latter river valley was occupied after 1700, perhaps by 1724, and was abandoned about 1790.

Present data suggest the Sheyenne-James region was a marginal one in the Northeastern Plains sub-area. It was not occupied by groups moving from the Missouri valley; rather, horticultural groups in the Northeastern Plains may have been subjected to cultural processes analogous to those which were responsible for the development of the Coalescent tradition in the Missouri valley. Thus, they participated in the development of the Plains Village pattern in an area well removed from the Missouri River, where the Coalescent tradition reached its fullest expression.

The Missouri River was crossed by some Cheyenne in the 1600s, and the last of them abandoned it about 1840, providing about two centuries for the tribe as a whole to abandon a settled horticultural way of life. A review of purported Cheyenne sites along the Missouri River reveals that none of them are clearly identifiable as such. Only three of these village locations are not now flooded by the Oahe Reservoir: one of them is near the Heart River, and two are on the Grand River. The Cheyenne movement onto the High Plains was motivated by settling an area advantageous for trade purposes, rich in bison, and temporarily removed from military pressure by the Dakota.


Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Numic Peoples of Western North America, 1868-1880
Don D. Fowler and Catherine S. Fowler, editors
307 pages, 36 figures, 9 maps, 1 table
1971 (Date of Issue: 10 December 1971)
Vol. 14, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Between 1868 and 1880, John Wesley Powell conducted intermittent linguistic, ethnographic, and folklore studies among the Numic-speaking Indians of the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau areas of western North America. The data from these studies were recorded in over seventy unpublished manuscripts, deposited in the Bureau of American Ethnology manuscript collection of the Smithsonian Institution, National Anthropological Archives. Although Powell intended to write a general “Report on the Numa,” his increasing administrative duties after 1879 precluded completion of the project. The Powell manuscripts relating to the “Numa” have been collated, edited and annotated, and presented herein. The materials include general ethnographic data, a variety of myths and tales, and extensive vocabulary lists of various Numic languages and dialects.


Environmental Archeology and Cultural Systems in Hamilton Inlet, Labrador: A Survey of the Central Labrador Coast from 3000 B.C. to the Present
William W. Fitzhugh
299 pages, 80 figures, 87 plates, 30 tables
1972 (Date of Issue: 31 May 1972)
Vol. 16, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.16.1
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Abstract

This monograph presents the results of a two-year investigation of the prehistoric and contemporary cultural geography of the Hamilton Inlet region of the central Labrador coast. Previously archeologically unknown, this 200-mile estuary cross-cuts the boreal-tundra ecotone and is an area in which there exists contemporary cultural diversity, including Eskimos, Indians, white trappers, and codfishermen. Until recently these cultures maintained distinctly different settlement patterns and economies and existed in basically a hunting and gathering tradition.

These cultures provide models of potential prehistoric cultural diversity for an archeological study involving regional environmental and cultural analysis, which resulted in contributions to culture history, paleoenvironmental studies, and the role of ecology and adaptive configurations in the cultural geography of the region through time. The study is divided into five parts, including methods of cultural ecology, the natural environment, the contemporary cultural environment, the prehistoric cultural environment, and configuration and adaptation patterns.

Two regional sequences for Hamilton Inlet are proposed. The sequence for the forested interior at North West River represents 3500 years of Indian occupation and includes eight cultural units. The Groswater Bay sequence contains nine units which constitute both Indian and Eskimo occupations on the coast, Two of these units—Groswater Dorset and Ivuktoke (Labrador Eskimo)—are Eskimo, while the remainder are Indian and extend back to about 2500 B.C. At least four different cultural traditions are represented in the combined sequences of the two areas. The Maritime Archaic Tradition (2500-1800 B.C.) is the first major occupation. A second Indian tradition is the Shield Archaic of the Canadian boreal forest, here dating to the early centuries A.D. In addition, two Eskimo traditions are seen—Dorset culture of the Arctic Small Tool Tradition (800-200 B.C. in Hamilton Inlet) and Thule-derived Labrador Eskimo, who arrived in central Labrador from the north about A.D. 1500. Other cultural relationships can be seen, but no clear traditions have been defined. The lack of Eskimo culture in central Labrador at the time of the Viking visits indicates that here at least the Skraelings were Indians of the Algonkian linguistic stock. Algonkian related cultures can be traced back archeologically to about A.D. 600 in central Labrador.

A functional analysis of nine archeological units resulted in the definition of culture-specific subsistence-settlement systems for these groups. From this emerged a typology and comparative analysis for these systems. Four basic adaptation patterns were identified, including Interior, Modified-Interior, Modified-Maritime, and Interior-Maritime types, as well as three adaptive processes. These adaptation patterns and the processes forming them have changed through time as a result of culture-historical and ecological pressures. Theoretical and descriptive ecological data is presented to explain shifts in subsistence-settlement systems and adaptation patterns. A hypothesis is developed and tested with ethnographic and archeological data which suggests that culture change in Labrador is a reflection of differences in the structures of terrestrial and marine ecology. This hypothesis explains much of the great diversity of the prehistoric Indian populations of the region and supports the contention of more stability for Eskimo cultures of the coast. Finally, it appears that climatic control, operating through changes in the prevalence of forest fires, winter icing of caribou feeding grounds, and shifts of sea-ice distribution, have had important effects on cultural development and diversity.


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