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Biesterfeldt: A Post-Contact Coalescent Site on the Northeastern Plains
W. Raymond Wood
109 pages, 16 figures, 20 plates, 9 tables
1971 (Date of Issue: 17 August 1971)
Vol. 15, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.15.1
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Abstract

Biesterfeldt is a fortified village of about sixty earth lodges on the Sheyenne River in eastern North Dakota. A large central earth lodge faces a central plaza, with dwellings randomly set elsewhere in the village. The site setting, village plan, and structures are like those of historic Mandan and Arikara villages. Pottery attributes are well within the range of sedentary Missouri River groups, and only a few elements distinguish Biesterfeldt pottery from that of the Arikara. The site is dated about 1750 to 1790, when trade goods had displaced many native tools of bone and stone. In the thirty years since W. D. Strong dug the site, new data have accumulated which require revisions in the interpretation of the Biesterfeldt component: the artifact complex conforms to that of Post-Contact Coalescent sites of the Plains Village pattern in the Missouri River trench to the west.

The identification of Biesterfeldt as Cheyenne is based on circumstantial evidence; its occupants are uncertain, but the Cheyenne provide the most economical hypothesis. The Cheyenne migration from the Minnesota area was by individual groups, not as a tribal body. Sedentary villages on the Minnesota River and on the Missouri were coeval with the village (or villages) on the Sheyenne River. The latter river valley was occupied after 1700, perhaps by 1724, and was abandoned about 1790.

Present data suggest the Sheyenne-James region was a marginal one in the Northeastern Plains sub-area. It was not occupied by groups moving from the Missouri valley; rather, horticultural groups in the Northeastern Plains may have been subjected to cultural processes analogous to those which were responsible for the development of the Coalescent tradition in the Missouri valley. Thus, they participated in the development of the Plains Village pattern in an area well removed from the Missouri River, where the Coalescent tradition reached its fullest expression.

The Missouri River was crossed by some Cheyenne in the 1600s, and the last of them abandoned it about 1840, providing about two centuries for the tribe as a whole to abandon a settled horticultural way of life. A review of purported Cheyenne sites along the Missouri River reveals that none of them are clearly identifiable as such. Only three of these village locations are not now flooded by the Oahe Reservoir: one of them is near the Heart River, and two are on the Grand River. The Cheyenne movement onto the High Plains was motivated by settling an area advantageous for trade purposes, rich in bison, and temporarily removed from military pressure by the Dakota.


The Canela (Eastern Timbira), I: An Ethnographic Introduction
William H. Crocker
487 pages, 51 figures, 78 plates, 11 tables
1990 (Date of Issue: 13 December 1990)
Vol. 33, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.33.1
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This monograph is about the Canela Indians of the município of Barra do Corda, in the state of Maranhão, Brazil, and also about the neighboring Apanyekra, who are culturally very similar and are used here for comparisons. The Canela are also known as the Ramkokamekra-Canela, or the Eastern Timbira. These names were given to them in the monograph, “The Eastern Timbira,” by Brazil's great ethnologist, Curt Nimuendajú (1946). The present monograph, referred to herein as the “Canela Introduction,” is a product of 64 months of fieldwork over a period of 22 years. It is the first volume of several in a potential series.

The Canela live in the ecologically intermediate cerrado area between tropical forest Amazonia and the dry Brazilian Northeast. First contacted over two centuries ago and pacified in 1814, they were largely hunters and gatherers, depending little on crops. Now, however, they support themselves principally by swidden agriculture, producing mostly bitter manioc and dry rice. Having passed through an acculturative nadir in the 1960s, they became adjusted to the backland Brazilians who were increasingly surrounding them in the 1970s. Their lands were legally demarcated between 1971 and 1978 by the Brazilian government's National Foundation of the Indian (FUNAI, the “Indian service”) giving them security. Their population numbers increased from about 400 in 1968 to about 600 in 1978. Their sense of awareness as a people in the wider Brazilian setting began to develop in the late 1970s.

Part I of this monograph describes the field situation and the methods used. Part II provides ethnographic background materials ranging from ecology and acculturation, through the various annual cycles, to material and recreative culture. Part III presents socialization, psychological orientations, and the social, political, and terminological (kinship) systems. Part IV is devoted to religion taken in its broadest sense and includes the festival system, individual rites of passage, mythical history and cosmology, and shamanism, ethnobiology, pollution, medicine. Part V is a presentation and analysis of the Canela's special kind of dualism. The epilogue brings the reader up to 1989 in certain topics, and the appendices provide information on the Canela research collections (material artifacts, photographs, films, magnetic tapes, manuscripts) at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.


Ceremonies of the Pawnee, Part I: The Skiri
James R. Murie and Douglas R. Parks, editor
497 pages, 41 figures, 2 tables
1981 (Date of Issue: 15 October 1981)
Vol. 27,Number 1, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.27.1
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Abstract

In 1910 James R. Murie, an educated Pawnee who had previously worked with various anthropologists (most notably Alice C. Fletcher and George A. Dorsey), was given a grant by the Bureau of American Ethnology to prepare a full account of surviving Pawnee religious ceremonies. Shortly afterward he began work under the direction of Clark Wissler, with whom he planned a comprehensive description of the ritualism of the Skiri band. This monograph, written by Murie in collaboration with Clark Wissler, is the combined result of the two projects, which extended over a decade. It is a detailed presentation of the essential features of Pawnee ceremonialism. The first part presents the annual cycle of Skiri ceremonial life, minutely describing most of the rituals as well as the role and functions of sacred bundles in the culture. The second part includes accounts of three surviving South Band ceremonies that Murie witnessed: the White Beaver Ceremony (or Doctor Dance) of the Chawi band, and the Bear and Buffalo dances of the Pitahawirata band. In each of the accounts the songs of the ceremony are given in both Pawnee and English. Together they constitute one of the most extensive song collections for any North American tribe. For the three South Band ceremonies, the vision stories underlying the songs are also presented. The manuscript, scheduled for publication on several occasions in the 1920s and 1930s, has been in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology since 1921. It is here presented in edited form, together with revised linguistic transcriptions and translations, notes, an expanded bibliography, a biography of Murie, and two indexes.


Ceremonies of the Pawnee, Part II: The South Bands
James R. Murie and Douglas R. Parks, editor
497 pages, 41 figures, 2 tables
1981 (Date of Issue: 15 October 1981)
Vol. 27,Number 2, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.27.1
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Abstract

In 1910 James R. Murie, an educated Pawnee who had previously worked with various anthropologists (most notably Alice C. Fletcher and George A. Dorsey), was given a grant by the Bureau of American Ethnology to prepare a full account of surviving Pawnee religious ceremonies. Shortly afterward he began work under the direction of Clark Wissler, with whom he planned a comprehensive description of the ritualism of the Skiri band. This monograph, written by Murie in collaboration with Clark Wissler, is the combined result of the two projects, which extended over a decade. It is a detailed presentation of the essential features of Pawnee ceremonialism. The first part presents the annual cycle of Skiri ceremonial life, minutely describing most of the rituals as well as the role and functions of sacred bundles in the culture. The second part includes accounts of three surviving South Band ceremonies that Murie witnessed: the White Beaver Ceremony (or Doctor Dance) of the Chawi band, and the Bear and Buffalo dances of the Pitahawirata band. In each of the accounts the songs of the ceremony are given in both Pawnee and English. Together they constitute one of the most extensive song collections for any North American tribe. For the three South Band ceremonies, the vision stories underlying the songs are also presented. The manuscript, scheduled for publication on several occasions in the 1920s and 1930s, has been in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology since 1921. It is here presented in edited form, together with revised linguistic transcriptions and translations, notes, an expanded bibliography, a biography of Murie, and two indexes.


A Chronology of Middle Missouri Plains Village Sites
Craig M. Johnson with contributions by Stanley A. Ahler, Craig M. Johnson, Herbert Haas, and Georges Bonani
344 pages, 69 figures, 34 tables
2007 (Date of Issue: 5 November 2007)
Vol. 47, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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A comprehensive and systematic research effort focusing on refining the chronology of individual Plains Village tradition sites from the Middle Missouri subarea of the Great Plains relies on a number of absolute and relative dating techniques. Seventy-four conventional and AMS radiocarbon dates from short-lived materials (seeds, corn) and charred ceramic pot residues are used in conjunction with ceramic ordinations of 225 components assigned to nine cultural variants or phases. Site stratigraphy, Euro-American trade materials, historic documentation, oral traditions, historical linguistics, and craniometric distance are also employed to help interpret temporal information derived from the ceramic ordinations and radiocarbon dates. The emphasis of this research is on the southern part of the Middle Missouri subarea, namely that portion along the Missouri River that flows through South Dakota and southern North Dakota. This area is the ancestral homeland of the Mandan and Arikara. The existing chronology of the Hidatsas who occupied the Knife region in north-central North Dakota is integrated into the Mandan and Arikara cultural sequence. Other cultural chronologies from the Northeastern (Cambria, Mill Creek, Great Oasis, lower James River) and Central Plains (Lower Loup/Historic Pawnee) are also related to the Middle Missouri and Coalescent tradition sequences of the Dakotas. This information is used to reconstruct the settlement history of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara in the Middle Missouri subarea, which is divided primarily into 50- and 100-year time segments. Areas of future research that would improve the Plains Village chronology or would benefit from a refined chronology are also reviewed. The results of the radiocarbon dating, which reviews 301 extant dates and the 74 Plains Village Dates (PVD) obtained during this study, suggest that 50 percent of the existing dates can be accepted, whereas 76 percent can be accepted for the PVD dates. A limited number of dates from the same site contexts also indicate that charred residues from ceramic vessels date 100 to 250 years earlier than their AMS counterparts on seeds and corn. The results also suggest a revision in the time span of the cultural variants to the following ranges: (1) Initial Middle Missouri, ad 1000?1300; (2) Extended Middle Missouri, ad 1200?1400; (3) Terminal Middle Missouri, ad 1400?1500; (4) Initial Coalescent, ad 1300?1500; (5) Extended Coalescent, ad 1400/1450?1650; and (6) Post-Contact Coalescent, ad 1650?1866. The distribution of sites along the Missouri River from ad 1000 to 1866 is complex and dynamic, reflecting multiple Late Woodland origins, locally available resources, cultural continuities and discontinuities, village consolidations and dispersals, widespread warfare, and the exposure to epidemic diseases and to Euro-American trade.


A Comparison of Formative Cultures in the Americas: Diffusion or the Psychic Unity of Man
James A. Ford
211 pages, Vol. 11, 32 figures, 13 tables
1969 (Date of Issue: 10 December 1969)
Vol. 11, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.11.1
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I have had an interest in the American Formative culture for some years and have searched for it with limited or no success in Colombia, Peru, Mexico, and the eastern United States. However, I stumbled into the present study entirely by accident. Meggers, Evans, and Estrada's Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador was published while Matthew Wallrath, Alfonso Medellín Z., and I were finishing the classification of several hundred thousand sherds from our excavations in Pre-Classic sites on the coast of Veracruz, Mexico. Wallrath was immediately impressed by the close resemblance of engraved wares from the Machalilla Phase to those we were working with from the site of Chalahuites. Upon careful reading of this well-illustrated tome, a number of unexplained resemblances between ceramics and other features of early North, Central, and South American cultures began to crystallize into patterns.

For six months after returning to the United States, I dutifully continued to work on the report of the Mexican excavations. The problem of Formative relationships, however, occupied more and more of my attention, and by the spring of 1966 the Veracruz paper had practically been shelved.

Correspondence with other archeologists working on the Formative led to plans to hold a week of discussion on this problem at the Florida State Museum in Gainesville. A grant toward the expenses of travel was made by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research of New York, and the conference took place 17-22 October 1966. Participants were the collaborators listed on p. v, with the exception of Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, who was unable to attend the session, but has actively collaborated in providing criticism and data. Those who came in the capacity of observers were James B. Griffin, University of Michigan; Otto Schöndube of the Museo de Arqueología, Mexico City; Takeshi Ueno, University of Tokyo; and Adelaide Bullen of the Florida State Museum. An agenda had been prepared in the form of preliminary versions of most of the charts included in this volume, and discussions of their shortcomings and implications were spirited and lengthy.

The archeologists listed as collaborators have given generously of their time, information, and opinions as this monograph developed. When each section was completed in tentative form, it was mimeographed and mailed to them for criticism and comment. In most instances I have incorporated the changes suggested, for each consultant has a unique knowledge of the prehistory of the regions where he has worked. Still, I cannot say that all collaborators are happy with the present form of this paper. A principal disquiet arises from the fact that I have glossed over details of chronological and areal information in some cases where these are well known. For example, Sears points to the fact that the east and west coasts of the northern part of the Florida Peninsula have distinct chronologies. So have southern and central Veracruz. Coastal Ecuador should be represented by at least five regional columns, and to attempt to reflect the complex prehistory of Peru in two columns is absurd. Then too, some perfectly good chronologies have been left off the charts. An example is the sequence in the Huasteca region of Mexico developed by Ekholm (1944) and MacNeish (1947). This criticism is just; I admit to some rather heavy-handed simplification.

It has become the admirable pattern in archeological reports to segregate carefully and label the sections reporting factual data, comparisons, conclusions, and speculations. This pattern cannot be followed here, for the obvious reason that the entire paper consists of comparisons, conclusions, and speculations. The comparisons are frequently illustrated by selected specimens, but I wish it understood that these are merely samples. The serious reader is advised to make extensive use of the field reports to which reference is made, and to judge for himself the degrees of resemblance. I do not think that very often I have left myself open to the criticism of having chosen unique or divergent specimens for comparison in an attempt to force conclusions.

Many of the comparisons would be more effective if we had knowledge of the relative popularity of the various features in all areas. We do have this information for ceramics in a number of chronologies, including the north coast of Peru (Virú), coastal Ecuador, Soconusco, Tehuacán, and the Lower Mississippi Valley. Where available, this information has been used.

The collaborators also are not to be accused of agreeing with all the implications and conclusions. MacNeish, for example, suggests that a long evolutionary development of ceramics in northern South America waits to be discovered, of which the Puerto Hormiga culture of Colombia may be a part. Alicia and Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff also suspect that this may be true.

In addition to the collaborators to whom my debt is obvious, I wish to acknowledge indebtedness to a number of others. First, to the Florida State Museum and its Director, J. C. Dickinson, Jr., who has tolerated my rather single-minded preoccupation with this problem. Also, I appreciate the generous forebearance of the National Science Foundation and its Program Director for Anthropology, Richard Lieban. At the time of applying for Grant GS-1002, I fully intended to produce reports on excavations in Veracruz, Marksville, and Poverty Point, Louisiana. Instead, the funds have been diverted into the preparation of this paper.

For several years, Clarence Webb and I have been working on a report on additional specimens from the Poverty Point site in the Lower Mississippi Valley. I am greatly indebted to Webb both for his patience at the delay of the second Poverty Point paper, and for permission to make advance use of some of the data.

Stephen Williams of Peabody Museum, Harvard, made available the papers of Antonio J. Waring on the archeology of the Georgia coast in page proof, permitting me to cite valuable data contained therein.

Robert Heizer of the University of California, Berkeley, has provided information on his and Philip Drucker's recent work at La Venta.

To William G. Haag of Louisiana State University, I owe thanks for his interest in the Formative problem, and for unpublished information on the Stallings Island culture.

Bruce Trickey and Nicholas H. Holmes, Jr., have generously provided data on the Bayou La Batre Phase of coastal Alabama.

Gregory Perino has loaned unpublished manuscripts reporting on his extensive work on Illinois Hopewell.

Sherwood Gagliano, Raymond Baby, and Junius Bird provided valuable information and answered a variety of questions.

Joan Booth, research assistant, typist, and language critic has worked conscientiously, and most intelligently on the preparation of this paper. Timothy Anderson, Paul Frazier, Kathy Notestein, and Bob Nininger have drawn the illustrations.

Anders Richter, Director, and Stephen Kraft, Managing Designer, of the Smithsonian Institution Press were most generous with advice on format, particularly in regard to the presentation of the large chronological charts for publication. Final editing and preparation of the manuscript for the U.S. Government Printing Office was by Joan Horn.

James A. Ford

Florida State Museum

Gainesville, Florida

February 1968


Cultural Chronology of the Gulf of Chiriquí, Panama
Olga Linares de Sapir
119 pages, Vol. 8, 55 figures, 20 plates, 12
1968 (Date of Issue: 6 December 1968)
Vol. 8, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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No abstract available.

A Dictionary of Non-Scientific Names of Freshwater Crayfishes (Astacoidea and Parastacoidea), Including Other Words and Phrases Incorporating Crayfish Names
C. W. Hart, Jr.
127 pages, 6 figures
1994 (Date of Issue: 20 April 1994)
Vol. 38, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

A dictionary encompassing 1474 non-scientific names (vernacular, common, and fabricated) of freshwater crayfishes, including place-names and slang/argot expressions employing the word “crayfish” or its synonyms. Citations of most source materials are included, as well as examples of uses in literature over time. A Language Index of approximately 100 languages and/or dialects gives access to sources and other data in the word list. A Species Index lists the non-scientific names usually associated with discrete crayfish species.


Early Cultures and Human Ecology in South Coastal Guatemala
Michael D. Coe and Kent V. Flannery
136 pages, Vol. 3, 50 figures, 2–32 plates, 15
1967 (Date of Issue: 24 February 1967)
Vol. 3, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.3.1
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The present report is concerned with investigations carried out on the Pacific coast of Guatemala, in a region very close to the Mexican border, during the months of January through March of 1962 (see maps, figs. 1 and 2). This research centered on Salinas La Blanca, a small village site of the Formative period, situated on the east bank of the Naranjo River, about 1.5 km. north of Ocós (Department of San Marcos). It was our intention to throw further light on the earliest village-farming occupation of this region, as a followup to investigations carried out at the nearby site of La Victoria during 1958 (Coe, 1961).


Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador: The Valdivia and Machalilla Phases
Betty J. Meggers, Clifford Evans and Emilio Estrada
234 pages, Vol. 1, 115 figures, 196 plates, 30
1965 (Date of Issue: 20 December 1965)
Vol. 1, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.1.1
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The publication of this report is a monument to the importance of international cooperation in scientific endeavor. The archeological sites and complexes were discovered by Ecuadorians, detailed analysis of the developmental sequences was furnished by North Americans, invaluable information for comparative study was provided by Japanese, and a Chilean prepared the report on skeletal remains. To those of us who are listed as authors, working with all of these people has been a memorable experience not only because the scientific results have been so exciting, but because the context in which they have been derived has been so rewarding.

The largest contribution has been made by the many Ecuadorians who have assisted with fieldwork and preparation of the bulk of material for analysis over the years. Some should be singled out for special mention. Dr. Carlos Zevallos Menéndez, then President of the Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, Núcleo del Guayas, arranged for permission under the Ecuadorian antiquity laws to conduct the archeological field research. Félix Martínez and later Julio Viteri served as foremen during much of the excavation at G-31. During two seasons of work by Meggers and Evans at G-31 and G-54, Francisco Salcedo generously made available a comfortable house near the site as field headquarters. Washing and preliminary sorting of material from G-84 and G-31, Cut J was done by Walter Molina, part-time aide in the Museo “Víctor Emilio Estrada.”

Staff members of the former Division of Archeology, Museum of Natural History, U.S. National Museum who have over the years assisted in the laborious job of washing, numbering and classifying Valdivia and Machalilla Phase materials, are Mr. George Metcalf, Mr. Robert C. Jenkins, and Mrs. Willie Mae Pelham. We are indebted to personnel of other divisions for identification of stone, bone and shell remains, including Dr. Harald A. Rehder, Division of Mollusks; Dr. Henry Setzer, Division of Mammals; Dr. E. P. Henderson, Division of Meteorites; Dr. Leonard P. Schultz and Dr. William R. Taylor, Division of Fishes. Mr. Henry Wright assisted one summer with sorting of rocks from G-31: Valdivia into possible and impossible artifacts.

Carbon-14 determinations, which confirm the early chronological placement of the Valdivia complex, were made over several years at three different laboratories: the United States Geological Survey Low Frequency Radiation Laboratory, the University of Michigan Laboratory, and the Smithsonian Institution Carbon-Dating Laboratory. We would like to thank Dr. Meyer Rubin of the United States Geological Survey for his willingness to accept shell samples for dating at a time when this material was considered unsuitable in many quarters, and Dr. Austin Long of the Department of Radiation and Organisms, Smithsonian Institution Carbon-Dating Laboratory for consultation and advice in the evaluation of the entire series of dates, which led to several of the interpretations in the section on dating.

Our inferences about the origin of Valdivia Phase pottery would have been poorly supported had it not been for the opportunity to visit Japan during March and April, 1963 to examine collections and talk with experts on the Early and Middle Jomon Period. Initial communication with Japanese archeologists was facilitated by advice and introductions from Dr. Chester Chard, University of Wisconsin; Dr. Richard K. Beardsley, University of Michigan, and Dr. Edward Norbeck, William Marsh Rice University. Informed in advance of our general problem, members of the staff of the Institute of Cultural Anthropology, University of Tokyo, headed by Prof. Seiichi Izumi, laid out a tentative schedule of visits that permitted us to make best use of our limited time. Our ability to accomplish so much was largely because of this generous unsolicited aid by Prof. Izumi and his colleagues, Prof. Shozo Masuda and Prof. Toshihiko Sono. Through their advice, we were accompanied on trips outside the Tokyo area by one of their senior graduate students, Mr. Hiroaki Okada, who served as an efficient guide and interpreter, and an amused informant on Japanese inns and outs. Our search for Valdivia-like pottery led up a few blind alleys and into several productive fields, and we gratefully acknowledge guidance and information from the following individuals: Prof. Sugao Yamanouchi, and Prof. N. Watanabe, Department of Physical Anthropology, University of Tokyo; Prof. Sosuke Sugihara, Department of Archeology, Meiji University; Prof. Teruya Esaka, Department of Archeology, Keio University; Mr. Chosuke Serizawa, Tokyo; Prof. J. Edward Kidder, Jr., Archeology Laboratory, International Christian University; Prof. Kyoichi Arimitsu, Department of Archeology, University of Kyoto; Mr. Fukuhara and Mr. and Mrs. Shirakiba, Department of Archeology, Tenri Museum; Mr. Yoshimasa Kamaki and Mr. and Mrs. T. Macabe, Kurashiki Archeological Museum; Prof. Teigo Yoshida, Institute of Comparative Education and Culture, University of Kyushu; Prof. Morimitsu Ushijima and Mr. Mitsuhiko Higashi, Kumamoto Municipal Museum; Prof. Matsumoto, Department of History, University of Kumamoto; Prof. Sadanori Kawaguchi, Goyokuryu High School, Kagoshima; and Mr. M. Furuta of Shimabara. Prof. Ichiro Yawata, Archaeological Laboratory, Tokyo University of Education, led us on a memorable visit to an inland Middle Jomon site near the town of Oomiyama. The warm welcome and open generosity of all these people in providing us with advice, assistance and freedom to take notes and photographs of anything and everything is beyond the power of words to acknowledge. We hope that they will receive some satisfaction from seeing how significant has been their contribution to the conclusions in this report.

Financial support for the research has come from a number of different organizations, whose contribution we gratefully record: the American Philosophical Society for Penrose Fund Grants 2012 and 2370; the National Science Foundation for Grants G-9055 and G-15641 to the Institute of Andean Research for a three-year program entitled “Interrelationships of New World Cultures”, under which we were included as Project J: Coastal Ecuador; and the National Science Foundation Cooperative International Science Activities Program (supplemental funds to Grant GS-37), for sponsoring the trip to Japan. Throughout the various periods of field investigation from 1957-1961, a large portion of the field expense was borne by the Museo “Víctor Emilio Estrada”.

Individuals who deserve special thanks for aid in preparation of the monograph are Miss Judith Hill, Secretary of the former Division of Archeology, United States National Museum, who skillfully and uncomplainingly deciphered the rough drafts, improved the consistency of the style and format, and typed rapidly, neatly and efficiently the final copy of the manuscript; Mr. George Robert Lewis, Scientific Illustrator, of the former Department of Anthropology, United States National Museum, who produced the beautiful and accurate line drawings; Mr. Jack Scott, Head, Museum of Natural History Photo Lab, for production of excellent enlargements from negatives taken under varying conditions over several years; and Prof. Kazuo Terada, University of Tokyo, who translated statements from Japanese publications.

As the first of a new format, this volume presented special problems to the Editorial and Publications Division, Smithsonian Institution. We wish to express our gratitude to Mrs. Joan Horn and Mr. John S. Lea for their constructive suggestions, careful editing for consistency and accuracy, and forebearance with our many demands. To the Government Printing Office, we offer a word of admiration for the remarkably error-free setting of the text and tables, their speed of execution of each phase of the work, and their high quality reproduction of a wide variety of photographs into excellent plates.

We have left until last the recording of our indebtedness to those Ecuadorian colleagues with whom we shared the excitement of discovering the early Formative cultures of coastal Ecuador and of reconstructing from fragments of pottery, stone and shell, long forgotten historical events: Francisco Huerta Rendón, Carlos Zevallos Menéndez and Olaf Holm. The years we worked together under the leadership of Emilio Estrada are treasured memories to all of us—golden years beyond repetition or recall. The unexpected death of Estrada in November 1961, shortly following the final season of fieldwork, brought an end to many dreams, but one at least has developed in a manner he would have loved to see—the verification of his correlation, timidly proposed many years ago, between Valdivia and Jomon. His co-authorship of this report is not simply a tribute—it is a position fully earned.

BJM

CE

Smithsonian Institution

Washington, D.C.

June 22, 1964


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