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Early Skeletons from Tranquillity, California
J. Lawrence Angel
1–19 pages, Vol. 2, 1–4 plates, 3 tables
1966 (Date of Issue: 25 November 1966)
Vol. 2,Number 1, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.2.1
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Abstract

From these speculations one can draw three conclusions, differing in certainty.

The most certain one is that the first invaders from Asia, the Palaeamericans, migrating southward over a timespan of 5-10,000 years after the height of the last glaciation (Willey, 1961), split up into many slightly differing breeding isolates, whose divergences occurred more through sampling accidents (drift) than through selection. The kind of variability of the Tranquillity sample, especially the extreme in Burial 5, supports this picture.

The least certain, conclusion concerns evolutionary selective pressures resulting from a tough meat diet and hard living conditions leading to a short lifespan. These pressures would put a high premium on the fertility of a few women, especially those having massive teeth to resist wear (cf. Brace, 1962). Possibly Mongoloid features are a result of such pressures. The source for this extra tooth and face size not yet fully developed in late Pleistocene East Asia might be a recombination of genes from a tropical Negritoid population (contributing canine plus incisor breadth and prognathism) with genes from Sinanthropus descendants like Mapa (Woo, 1959 b; Coon, 1962) contributing shovel incisors and face massiveness, and perhaps also with Upper Paleolithic “White” genes. Evolution from such a proto-Mongoloid blend in a Mongoloid direction would have occurred in both Asia and America after 20,000 B.C. Apparently this evolution went much further in Asia.

The third conclusion concerns this difference in speeds of microevolution. The Tranquillity group in particular is still proto-Mongoloid and modern Hill Yokuts, Southern Miwok, and Western Mono appear to have changed little from it. Until very recently the tule-swamp character of the region had changed very little, except for the gradual (and late ?) extinction of most larger game mammals other than deer, and the ensuing wet phase. Regions of climatic and ecologic stability during the retreat of the last glaciation would probably be influenced by maritime climate and separated from the North or Plains areas.

In contrast to this, Northeast Asia, the Bering Strait region, and northern North America underwent a series of climatic and sea level changes comparable to those of Europe and the Mediterranean. Here there took place an evolutionary change to a big-faced, large-headed fully Mongoloid norm, equivalent to the Upper Paleolithic to Alpine and Mediterranean change in Europe and the Near East. A little of this Mongoloid change was plausibly injected into America in early Mesolithic times, and again to form the Aleut-Eskimo people (Laughlin, 1963) before 6,000 B.C. Until we have more data on frequencies of key traits and complexes, it is hard to guess whether the American Indian in general has absorbed Asiatic genes to any extent in post-Pleistocene times: the probable relation of Diego blood type to a Palaeamerican distribution and the lack of type B in the New World suggest that there was little addition from Asia after the end of the Pleistocene. In that case we are faced with an interesting parallelism in evolution in a Mongoloid direction, with the slower rate of change in America partly explained by relative climatic stability of southern coastal, island, mountain, jungle, and woodland ecologic zones as opposed to northern coastal, plateau, and plains areas, even though the variety of American ecologic zones is wide.


Environmental Archeology and Cultural Systems in Hamilton Inlet, Labrador: A Survey of the Central Labrador Coast from 3000 B.C. to the Present
William W. Fitzhugh
299 pages, 80 figures, 87 plates, 30 tables
1972 (Date of Issue: 31 May 1972)
Vol. 16, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.16.1
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Abstract

This monograph presents the results of a two-year investigation of the prehistoric and contemporary cultural geography of the Hamilton Inlet region of the central Labrador coast. Previously archeologically unknown, this 200-mile estuary cross-cuts the boreal-tundra ecotone and is an area in which there exists contemporary cultural diversity, including Eskimos, Indians, white trappers, and codfishermen. Until recently these cultures maintained distinctly different settlement patterns and economies and existed in basically a hunting and gathering tradition.

These cultures provide models of potential prehistoric cultural diversity for an archeological study involving regional environmental and cultural analysis, which resulted in contributions to culture history, paleoenvironmental studies, and the role of ecology and adaptive configurations in the cultural geography of the region through time. The study is divided into five parts, including methods of cultural ecology, the natural environment, the contemporary cultural environment, the prehistoric cultural environment, and configuration and adaptation patterns.

Two regional sequences for Hamilton Inlet are proposed. The sequence for the forested interior at North West River represents 3500 years of Indian occupation and includes eight cultural units. The Groswater Bay sequence contains nine units which constitute both Indian and Eskimo occupations on the coast, Two of these units—Groswater Dorset and Ivuktoke (Labrador Eskimo)—are Eskimo, while the remainder are Indian and extend back to about 2500 B.C. At least four different cultural traditions are represented in the combined sequences of the two areas. The Maritime Archaic Tradition (2500-1800 B.C.) is the first major occupation. A second Indian tradition is the Shield Archaic of the Canadian boreal forest, here dating to the early centuries A.D. In addition, two Eskimo traditions are seen—Dorset culture of the Arctic Small Tool Tradition (800-200 B.C. in Hamilton Inlet) and Thule-derived Labrador Eskimo, who arrived in central Labrador from the north about A.D. 1500. Other cultural relationships can be seen, but no clear traditions have been defined. The lack of Eskimo culture in central Labrador at the time of the Viking visits indicates that here at least the Skraelings were Indians of the Algonkian linguistic stock. Algonkian related cultures can be traced back archeologically to about A.D. 600 in central Labrador.

A functional analysis of nine archeological units resulted in the definition of culture-specific subsistence-settlement systems for these groups. From this emerged a typology and comparative analysis for these systems. Four basic adaptation patterns were identified, including Interior, Modified-Interior, Modified-Maritime, and Interior-Maritime types, as well as three adaptive processes. These adaptation patterns and the processes forming them have changed through time as a result of culture-historical and ecological pressures. Theoretical and descriptive ecological data is presented to explain shifts in subsistence-settlement systems and adaptation patterns. A hypothesis is developed and tested with ethnographic and archeological data which suggests that culture change in Labrador is a reflection of differences in the structures of terrestrial and marine ecology. This hypothesis explains much of the great diversity of the prehistoric Indian populations of the region and supports the contention of more stability for Eskimo cultures of the coast. Finally, it appears that climatic control, operating through changes in the prevalence of forest fires, winter icing of caribou feeding grounds, and shifts of sea-ice distribution, have had important effects on cultural development and diversity.


The Flowering of Man: A Tzotzil Botany of Zinacantán, Volume I
Dennis E. Breedlove and Robert M. Laughlin
706 pages, 52 figures, 66 plates, 3 maps
1993 (Date of Issue: 15 April 1993)
Vol. 35,Number 1, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

This encyclopedic presentation of the plant knowledge of the Tzotzil-speaking Mayans of Zinacantán, in the highlands of the state of Chiapas, Mexico, is the fruit of 30 years' investigation, beginning in 1960. Dennis E. Breedlove, botanist, and Robert M. Laughlin, ethnologist, gained their information from many hundred men, women, and children. Seventy-three men and two women, representing 26 Zinacantec communities, were hired consultants. The total of 2686 Tzotzil names for generics, specifics, and varietals refers to Latin determinations of 1484 species with an additional 30 identifications by genus.

Introductory chapters describe the methodology and provide the geographic, historic, cultural, and linguistic context for “the Flora.” John B. Haviland details Zinacantec flower marketing.

“The Flora” is organized by life form, set or isolate, genus, species, and variety, according to native taxonomic principles. A morphological description of each plant is followed by its cultural context.

The appendices include tables of Mayan botanical name cognates, a survey of plant cultivation per hamlet, Tzotzil-Latin and Latin-Tzotzil indices, a Tzotzil plant name synonymy, a listing of plant uses, and a massive cultural omnibus, providing a broad range of Tzotzil vocabulary devoted to plants.


The Flowering of Man: A Tzotzil Botany of Zinacantán, Volume II
Dennis E. Breedlove and Robert M. Laughlin
706 pages, 52 figures, 66 plates, 3 maps
1993 (Date of Issue: 15 April 1993)
Vol. 35,Number 2, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

This encyclopedic presentation of the plant knowledge of the Tzotzil-speaking Mayans of Zinacantán, in the highlands of the state of Chiapas, Mexico, is the fruit of 30 years' investigation, beginning in 1960. Dennis E. Breedlove, botanist, and Robert M. Laughlin, ethnologist, gained their information from many hundred men, women, and children. Seventy-three men and two women, representing 26 Zinacantec communities, were hired consultants. The total of 2686 Tzotzil names for generics, specifics, and varietals refers to Latin determinations of 1484 species with an additional 30 identifications by genus.

Introductory chapters describe the methodology and provide the geographic, historic, cultural, and linguistic context for “the Flora.” John B. Haviland details Zinacantec flower marketing.

“The Flora” is organized by life form, set or isolate, genus, species, and variety, according to native taxonomic principles. A morphological description of each plant is followed by its cultural context.

The appendices include tables of Mayan botanical name cognates, a survey of plant cultivation per hamlet, Tzotzil-Latin and Latin-Tzotzil indices, a Tzotzil plant name synonymy, a listing of plant uses, and a massive cultural omnibus, providing a broad range of Tzotzil vocabulary devoted to plants.


The Folk Biology of the Tobelo People: A Study in Folk Classification
Paul Michael Taylor
187 pages, 11 figures, 1 map
1990 (Date of Issue: 1 June 1990)
Vol. 34, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.34.1
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The This ethnographic study of folk biology among the Tobelo (a West Papuan-speaking ethnic group of Halmahera Island, Maluku, Indonesia) outlines local cultural presumptions about classifying flora and fauna, describes the system of folk biological nomenclature in terms consistent with the morphology and syntax of the Tobelo language, and analyzes the local system of folk classification within a posited semantic domain of “biotic forms.”

In the local linguistic context, dialectal differences, multilingualism, an apparently strict in-law name taboo, and particular speech registers for which Tobelo consider their own language inappropriate are shown to affect word formation, the adoption of foreign plant and animal names, and other aspects of ethnobiological classification. Culturally, the belief that names for plants and animals were set down by ancestors vastly more familiar with local biota than are their descendants, the notion that there is a “proper” name for virtually all easily visible plants and animals, and that much knowledge is and should remain esoteric, justify several alternative ways in which the Tobelo may reconcile individual or dialectal variation to determine “proper” details of classification consistent with these presumptions.

Nomenclature is considered in detail. The importance of recognizing the lexemic status of homonymous and polysemous terms is illustrated; and means of recognizing lexemes having the same form as non-lexemic expressions are detailed. A morphosyntactic classification of lexemic types is here applied to the formation of terms in this domain.

Unlabeled classes within this semantic domain (including the highest-level class BIOTIC FORM) are posited, and new methods are presented for determining and evaluating such “covert categories.” A critique of other procedures based on perceived similarities among plants and animals shows that the only local cultural significance of those classes may be their sudden appearance as a result of tests designed to find them, that similarities observed may not be those used in hierarchically relating folk taxa, and that such classes do not in any case belong in a linguistic description. From a systematic review of Tobelo lexemes it is possible to avoid these difficulties.

The analysis of Tobelo folk biological classification (the system of semantic relations among usually lexically labeled classes) provides various types of evidence for the distinctiveness of a “basic” level, and details methods for distinguishing basic terms. Taxonomic relations order the set of hierarchically related folk classes into eleven levels: the widest or “basic” level, along with six above and four below. Non-“regular” elements of this folk taxonomy include nonsymmetric and disjunctive contrast, “residue” of higher-level classes, ambiguous subclass-superclass relations, and dual structural positions of a single class in the overall hierarchic structure.

Also analyzed are other types of semantic relations among folk classes, including a ‘mother’-‘child’ relation among FAUNAL FORMS, crosscutting and intersecting subclasses of the basic class, and classification by growth stage and size. The Tobelo are able to use these methods of classifying local fauna and flora to justify the observed differences among themselves (or among Tobelo dialects) in how they classify the same plants and animals. They even sometimes use this classificatory system to productively predict the existence of plants and animals that have not yet been observed, much as our chemists once used the Periodic Table of the Elements to predict the existence of elements that had not been observed.

Detailed folk classificatory, nomenclatural, and systematic botanical and zoological information for all recorded BIOTIC FORMS is given in the appendixes, which are based upon extensive collections of Halmaheran terrestrial and marine animals and plants, along with their associated ethnographic information.


Geochronology of Sandia Cave
C. Vance Haynes, Jr., and George A. Agogino
32 pages, 7 figures, 2 tables
1986 (Date of Issue: 21 April 1986)
Vol. 32, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
DOI: 10.5479/si.00810223.32.1
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Abstract

Excavations in Sandia Cave, New Mexico, in the late 1930s provided the first recognized stratigraphic evidence for a pre-Folsom culture in North America. This, the Sandia complex, is represented by diagnostic projectile points found in a loose deposit underlying a limonite ocher deposit which, in turn, underlies a cave breccia containing Folsom artifacts and reportedly sealed by an overlying dripstone. Our investigations in the 1960s revealed that the Sandia deposit (unit X) is in fact, a rodent deposit created by bioturbation of the limonite ocher (unit C) and contains material derived from most of the other deposits. A second dripstone (unit D) is recognized as being much older (preoccupation) than the post-Folsom dripstone, instead of being a contemporary facies as originally reported. Its absence from the deposits near the mouth of the cave is believed to be due to removal during the mining of the yellow ocher by Paleo-Indians.

Paleoclimatic interpretations of the stratigraphic units include (1) a warm moist period for the derivation of the ocher by leaching from a pedalferic paleosol formed during a previous cool moist period, (2) desiccation of the ocher during a dry climate, (3) formation of the lower dripstone during a cool moist period, (4) gypsum precipitation (unit E) due to either a dry period or opening of the cave or both, and (5) accumulation of dust and debris (units F and H) under dry conditions alternating with dripstones (units G and I) and breccia cementation under wet conditions. From 14,000 B.P. on, the cave interior was accessible to man and animals. Accumulation of dust and debris (unit F) occurred during a dry period during which a portion of the lower dripstone was removed, presumably by Paleo-Indians in order to extract ocher. During the subsequent moist period the artifact-bearing debris became cemented by cave drip where not protected by the lower dripstone. Under recent climatic conditions another loose debris layer (unit J) has accumulated during the middle and late Holocene and has always been connected to the lower loose-debris deposit (unit X).

We conclude that Sandia points are definitely less than 14,000 years old and suggest they may be specialized Clovis or Folsom artifacts used for mining ocher. However, we cannot preclude a pre-Clovis age or even post-Folsom. Undisturbed cave strata provide valuable paleoenvironmental data, but redeposition and bioturbation is the rule rather than the exception for most, if not all, cave deposits that were once unconsolidated debris.


The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of San Lorenzo Zinacantán
Robert M. Laughlin
598 pages, 5 figures, 5 maps, 6 tables
1975 (Date of Issue: 17 December 1975)
Vol. 19, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

This dictionary of Tzotzil (Mayan) vocabulary from the town of Zinacantán, Chiapas, Mexico, was compiled by the author over a period of fourteen years. In addition to unsystematic data gathering in Zinacantán, formal interviews were conducted in San Cristóbal. Two Zinacantec men accompanied the author to the United States on two occasions for further interviewing. All hypothetically possible CVC (consonant-vowel-consonant) roots were tested to discover their existence and to determine their productivity. In addition to verbal suggestions, props were helpful: objects in everyday use, dolls, sound-effect records, play-acting. Special attention was directed to ethnobotanical lexicon and data; over 3000 specimens were collected and identified both by their Tzotzil name and by their scientific name. With the aid of aerial photographs and ground surveys the township and adjoining areas were mapped. Over one thousand place names were located. A system was developed to present considerable ethnographic context for the vocabulary within each root as succinctly as possible. Wherever possible, the etymology of loan words is indicated. Each entry is furnished with grammatical analysis. The approximately 30,000 Tzotzil entries and 15,000 English entries (including scientific names) were placed on magnetic tape to permit offset printing and further scholarly investigation. The body of the text is preceded by an introduction that records the eliciting techniques, organization of material, assessment and justification of the author's ethnographic approach, together with a sample of Tzotzil oral literature. Explanatory notes provide a more technical description of the contents and organizations of the dictionary as well as observations on Tzotzil grammar.


The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of Santo Domingo Zinacantán, with Grammatical Analysis and Historical Commentary, Volume I: Tzotzil-English
Robert M. Laughlin with John B. Haviland
1119 pages, 29 figures, 34 tables
1988 (Date of Issue: 20 December 1988)
Vol. 31,Number 1, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

This dictionary of Tzotzil (Mayan) vocabulary from the town of Zinacantán, Chiapas, Mexico, was edited by the author over a period of nine years. The original manuscript, compiled by an anonymous Dominican friar, probably at the close of the 16th century, disappeared during the Mexican Revolution, but a manuscript copy of 351 pages survives. It was made around 1906 at the behest of the Bishop of Chiapas, Francisco Orozco y Jiménez. The approximately 11,000 Spanish-Tzotzil entries have been translated into English. Following the format of The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of San Lorenzo Zinacantán, the colonial Tzotzil has been ordered by roots. The spelling has been corrected and modernized. Doubtful interpretations are stated and problems are brought to the reader's attention, with frequent reference to the existing colonial Tzeltal dictionaries. Each entry is analyzed grammatically according to a system devised by John B. Haviland. All entries are keyed to their original location in the manuscript copy. A second section provides an English-Tzotzil dictionary and index for the thesaurus that follows. To make the cultural contents of this dictionary more readily available to anthropologists and historians, the thesaurus groups the Tzotzil terms under 36 cultural categories such as world, movement, life cycle, emotions, agriculture, ailments, religion, etc. Of special interest is metaphoric speech, subdivided into 10 categories. A third section presents the Spanish-Tzotzil dictionary slightly abbreviated and with the spelling of both languages modernized. A facsimile of the manuscript copy is also offered. Preceding the dictionaries is a historical sketch that places the original in its colonial setting, compares it to other 16th and 17th century lexicographic efforts, and suggests a possible author. The lives of the five individuals responsible for the preservation of the manuscript copy are traced. John B. Haviland, drawing upon the contents of the manuscript, provides a detailed analysis of the grammatical changes that have occurred in Tzotzil over the past four centuries.


The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of Santo Domingo Zinacantán, with Grammatical Analysis and Historical Commentary, Volume II: English-Tzotzil
Robert M. Laughlin with John B. Haviland
1119 pages, 29 figures, 34 tables
1988 (Date of Issue: 20 December 1988)
Vol. 31,Number 2, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

This dictionary of Tzotzil (Mayan) vocabulary from the town of Zinacantán, Chiapas, Mexico, was edited by the author over a period of nine years. The original manuscript, compiled by an anonymous Dominican friar, probably at the close of the 16th century, disappeared during the Mexican Revolution, but a manuscript copy of 351 pages survives. It was made around 1906 at the behest of the Bishop of Chiapas, Francisco Orozco y Jiménez. The approximately 11,000 Spanish-Tzotzil entries have been translated into English. Following the format of The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of San Lorenzo Zinacantán, the colonial Tzotzil has been ordered by roots. The spelling has been corrected and modernized. Doubtful interpretations are stated and problems are brought to the reader's attention, with frequent reference to the existing colonial Tzeltal dictionaries. Each entry is analyzed grammatically according to a system devised by John B. Haviland. All entries are keyed to their original location in the manuscript copy. A second section provides an English-Tzotzil dictionary and index for the thesaurus that follows. To make the cultural contents of this dictionary more readily available to anthropologists and historians, the thesaurus groups the Tzotzil terms under 36 cultural categories such as world, movement, life cycle, emotions, agriculture, ailments, religion, etc. Of special interest is metaphoric speech, subdivided into 10 categories. A third section presents the Spanish-Tzotzil dictionary slightly abbreviated and with the spelling of both languages modernized. A facsimile of the manuscript copy is also offered. Preceding the dictionaries is a historical sketch that places the original in its colonial setting, compares it to other 16th and 17th century lexicographic efforts, and suggests a possible author. The lives of the five individuals responsible for the preservation of the manuscript copy are traced. John B. Haviland, drawing upon the contents of the manuscript, provides a detailed analysis of the grammatical changes that have occurred in Tzotzil over the past four centuries.


The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of Santo Domingo Zinacantán, with Grammatical Analysis and Historical Commentary, Volume III: Spanish-Tzotzil
Robert M. Laughlin with John B. Haviland
1119 pages, 29 figures, 34 tables
1988 (Date of Issue: 20 December 1988)
Vol. 31,Number 3, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
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Abstract

This dictionary of Tzotzil (Mayan) vocabulary from the town of Zinacantán, Chiapas, Mexico, was edited by the author over a period of nine years. The original manuscript, compiled by an anonymous Dominican friar, probably at the close of the 16th century, disappeared during the Mexican Revolution, but a manuscript copy of 351 pages survives. It was made around 1906 at the behest of the Bishop of Chiapas, Francisco Orozco y Jiménez. The approximately 11,000 Spanish-Tzotzil entries have been translated into English. Following the format of The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of San Lorenzo Zinacantán, the colonial Tzotzil has been ordered by roots. The spelling has been corrected and modernized. Doubtful interpretations are stated and problems are brought to the reader's attention, with frequent reference to the existing colonial Tzeltal dictionaries. Each entry is analyzed grammatically according to a system devised by John B. Haviland. All entries are keyed to their original location in the manuscript copy. A second section provides an English-Tzotzil dictionary and index for the thesaurus that follows. To make the cultural contents of this dictionary more readily available to anthropologists and historians, the thesaurus groups the Tzotzil terms under 36 cultural categories such as world, movement, life cycle, emotions, agriculture, ailments, religion, etc. Of special interest is metaphoric speech, subdivided into 10 categories. A third section presents the Spanish-Tzotzil dictionary slightly abbreviated and with the spelling of both languages modernized. A facsimile of the manuscript copy is also offered. Preceding the dictionaries is a historical sketch that places the original in its colonial setting, compares it to other 16th and 17th century lexicographic efforts, and suggests a possible author. The lives of the five individuals responsible for the preservation of the manuscript copy are traced. John B. Haviland, drawing upon the contents of the manuscript, provides a detailed analysis of the grammatical changes that have occurred in Tzotzil over the past four centuries.


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