Georg Scheutz and the First Printing Calculator Uta C. Merzbach SERIES PUBLICATIONS OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Emphasis upon publication as a means of "diffusing knowledge" was expressed by the first Secretary of the Smithsonian. In his formal plan for the Institution, Joseph Henry outlined a program that included the following statement: "It is proposed to publish a series of reports, giving an account of the new discoveries in science, and of the changes made from year to year in all branches of knowledge." This theme of basic research has been adhered to through the years by thousands of titles issued in series publications under the Smithsonian imprint, commencing with Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge in 1848 and continuing with the following active series: Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology Smithsonian Contributions to Astrophysics Smithsonian Contributions to Botany Smithsonian Contributions to the Earth Sciences Smithsonian Contributions to the Marine Sciences Smithsonian Contributions to Paleobiology Smithsonian Contributions to Zoology Smithsonian Studies in Air and Space Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology In these series, the Institution publishes small papers and full-scale monographs that report the research and collections of its various museums and bureaux or of professional colleagues in the world of science and scholarship. The publications are distributed by mailing lists to libraries, universities, and similar institutions throughout the world. Papers or monographs submitted for series publication are received by the Smithsonian Institution Press, subject to its own review for format and style, only through departments of the various Smithsonian museums or bureaux, where the manuscripts are given sub- stantive review. Press requirements for manuscript and art preparation are outlined on the inside back cover. S. Dillon Ripley Secretary Smithsonian Institution For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. QoTermnent Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 Stock No. 047-K)0(H)0342^ SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY / NUMBER 36 Georg Scheutz and the First Printing Calculator Uta C. Merzbach SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS City of Washington 1977 ABSTRACT Merzbach, Uta C. Georg Scheutz and the First Printing Calculator. Smitlisonian Studies in History and Technology, number 36, 74 pages, 35 figures, 1977.— The Swedish publisher Georg Scheutz (1785-1873) was a man who combined literary, political, scientific, and technological interests. Inspired by the difference engine of Charles Babbage, he and his son, the engineer Edvard Scheutz (1821- 1881), designed and constructed a machine to compute tabular differences and print the results. The machine, built with a grant from the Swedish governnient and underwritten by a group of Swedish supporters of Scheutz, was completed in 1853. It was patented in Great Britain in 1834, shown at the Paris Universal Exhibition in 1855, and purchased for the Dudley Observatory in Albany, New York, in 1856. A copy of the machine was constructed in 1857. For a short time, in 1858, work contracted by the United States Department of Navy for the Nautical Almanac Office was performed on the machine. Because of the departure (resulting from a major dispute) of the astronomer Benjamin A. Gould and his assistants from the Dudley Observatory, the machine was used rarely in later years and gradually fell into total disuse. The arguments surrounding the construction, purchase, and use of the machine portray two recurring themes in the history of technology. One is the conflict between defenders of established procedures and those of new innovations within a given field. The other is the influence of social, economic, or political currents on the activities in that field. The Scheutz calculator is significant because it made feasible the concept of a machine that computes and then retains results in printed form. OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Merzbach, Uta C. 1933- Georg Scheutz and the first printing calculator. (Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 36) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Calculating-machines—History. 2. Scheutz, Georg, 1785-1873. I. Title. II. Series: Smithsonian Institution. Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 36. QA75.M46 68r.l4'09 76-15379 Contents Page Introduction 1 Georg Scheutz 2 Early Influences 2 Publisher and Publicist 4 First Encounter with Babbage's Work 5 Creation of the Calculator 8 Edvard Scheutz, the Engineer 8 Performance Tests of the Model 9 A Period of Waiting 9 Obtaining a Government Grant 10 Structure and Operation of the Scheutz Calculator 13 Promotion of the Calculator 17 Finding a Buyer in Europe 17 Publicity and a Patent 19 The Paris Exposition 20 The Scientists Debate 21 Purchase and Use in America 22 Babbage's New World Supporters 22 Effecting the Purchase 24 The Calculator at Work 25 A Government Contract 27 Propagation of Recording Calculators 28 Difference Machines 29 General Purpose Machines 37 Epilogue 38 Appendix I: British Patent A.D. 1854, No. 2216 43 Appendix II: Gravatt on the Operation of the Calculator 52 Appendi.x III: Discussion at the Academy of Sciences, Paris 56 Bibliography 59 Introduction 59 Location of Sources 59 Bibliographic Guide 60 References 63 Titles Published by Georg Scheutz 68 Index of Persons 73 111 Georg Scheutz and the First Printing Calculator Uta C Merzbach Introduction The story of Georg Scheutz and the first printing calculator is the story of an innovative contribution to technology, born of currents of thought and action that characterize the times as well as the place in which they were shaped. It also depicts vividly the commonality and diversity of intellectual factions in some of the countries that dominated Western thought in the 1800s. At the same time, the story of Georg Scheutz again raises questions about a man who distinguishes himself by doing that which supposedly cannot be done in his time. In recent years there have been attempts to estab- lish models of scientific and technological national growth, usually influenced by the concept of "stages of economic growth." Frequently, these models are constructed by juxtaposing developments between and within major power nations and emerging nations. Such nations usually exhibit a strong native tradi- tion, or a combination of native tradition with methods superimposed by a ruling power. This limits the utility of the model. There is a third group of countries, however, which offers a unique oppor- tunity to view the adoption of competing techno- logical or theoretical systems or ideas on more or less neutral ground. This group is composed of inde- pendent nations which, by virtue of geography and relatively extended periods of neutrality, are in a position to interact simultaneously with several major powers exhibiting distinctive or competing patterns. Modern Sweden has played this role of serving Uta C. Merzbach, Department of Science and Technology, National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. 20560. as a neutral testing ground in several periods. In the eighteenth century it made a place for the forging of Newtonian ideas onto continental concepts. In the nineteenth century it provided a distinctive setting for the adoption of technological products, such as the railway, the postage stamp, and the telegraph, then sweeping the Western countries. A tendency by scholars to neglect these activities has deprived his- torians of a valuable resource. It has also led to superficial treatments of superior contributions by Swedish inventors or entrepreneurs, causing them to be considered either as totally derivative, or as the products of geniuses. The first printing calculator, a Swedish contribution, provides a vivid example of an achievement that owed as much to the trends and currents of the times as it did to the talents of the remarkable Georg Scheutz. AcKNOv^^LEDGMENTS.—Thanks are due to Chris- tine Bain, librarian of the Dudley Observatory, Albany, for making available for study and photog- raphy a set of the extant refraction tables; to Jane Pugh of the Science Museum in London for taking time to answer several questions about the Scheutz- Donkin engine, and for providing photographs and copies of documentation not available elsewhere; to Reidar Norby of the National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, for assisting in translating some passages pertaining to the early his- tory of Swedish postage stamps; to Sheila Ford for aiding with that portion of the bibliography dealing with events at the Dudley Observatory; to Donna J. Elliott for preparation of the typescript; and to Audrey B. Davis for reading and giving critical com- ments on the typescript. Margaret Kober Merzbach gave invaluable assistance by translating for me SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Bergstedt's essay on Scheutz from the Swedish, and by providing an analysis of the source journals Scheutz used in his Journal for manufakturer. Georg Scheutz Georg Scheutz is best known outside of Sweden for his difference engine, a special-purpose calculat- ing machine designed after a similar one proposed by the English mathematician Charles Babbage in the 1820s. Babbage has been resurrected in our times because in his design for a different machine, the "Analytical Engine," he outlined very clearly the concept of today's automatic computer. Neither of Babbage's machines was ever completed. He had received a government grant for the construction of the difference engine; yet neither this support nor the money he invested personally sufficed to produce a finished product. It has become fashionable to speculate on the cause of Babbage's failure to achieve a working machine. Some commentators follow Babbage's lead by attributing his problem to the stupidity, if not the ill will, of those on whom he had to depend, particularly those within the scientific and political power structures of Victorian England. Others as- sign the common but meaningless explanation that he was a man ahead of his time. Still others refine this by declaring that the technology of his time was not up to the task he had set for it. Yet another, more knowledgeable few suggest the failure lay in his being more of a mathematician than an engineer. Whatever the explanation, none account for the fact that a contemporary of Babbage, who lived in a country which at that time derived much of its technological know-how from England, who was neither mathematician nor engineer, and who, like Babbage, opposed the ruling powers of his home- land during much of his life, designed a machine intended to do precisely what Babbage's difference engine was intended to do, and saw it completed, purchased, and used. That man was Georg Scheutz. EARLY INFLUENCES Georg Scheutz was born in Jonkoping, Sweden, on 23 September 1785 (Figure 1). His mother counted a well-known hymn-writer, Andreas Lenaeus, among her ancestors. His paternal grandfather, a German immigrant, had been a cook in the royal FIGURE 1.—Georg Scheutz. Danish service. Georg Scheutz's father, Frederik Christian Scheutz, born in Copenhagen and also trained as a cook, became an innkeeper in Jonkoping. At the time of his birth, Jonkoping was a town of some 2000 inhabitants. Because of its strategic loca- tion at the southern tip of Lake Vettern, it was an important stopping point for travelers in a country that had been one of Europe's leading powers in the seventeenth century and had demonstrated leadership in the science of the eighteenth. The Scheutz inn gained the reputation of being Jonkoping's foremost hostelry. Presumably, questions of political and scientific leadership were of less concern to Scheutz's parents than were everyday realities, such as the fires that repeatedly devastated the town, one of the major ones occurring just a few months before Scheutz's birth. As late as 1812, Jonkoping could still be described by travelers (Thomson, 1813:284) as a small town consisting chiefly of two parallel streets run- ing east and west. It is . . . the seat of the superior Court of Justice for . . . Gothland. It is said to contain about 3000 inhabitants. The houses are almost all of wood, and covered on the roof either with turf or wood. At his home, the inn, young Georg was exposed to representatives of a variety of classes and profes- NUMBER 36 sions. Since his father's business interests included the importation of wines and Mediterranean fruits, and for some time catering services for the famous spa at Medevi, the boy's early contacts acquainted him with languages and life styles far beyond those to be expected in an average community fitting Jonkoping's description. Georg Scheutz received his early formal education at the local elementary school. The teachers there encouraged their better students. Ludvig Borgstrom (1788-1862), who shared with his friend Scheutz a two-fold interest in literature and science, told of his teachers at Jonkoping supplementing the curricu- lum by providing him with free instruction in Latin, German, and French. Similarly, Georg Scheutz ob- tained special guidance from the school's co-rector, G. Von Alander, who roomed at the Scheutz inn. Georg completed his secondary schooling at the gym- nasium of Vaxjo. He compensated for the lack of formal scientific training in these schools by frequent and extensive field trips in the country with groups of his contemporaries. In 1803 Scheutz matriculated at the University of Lund, where in 1805 he took the juridical exam- inations that ordinarily were preliminary to the final preparation for the Bergexamen. He soon became vice-actuary at the Gota Supreme Court, a position that led to his serving as judge from time to time. Although he attended the University of Uppsala briefly, it appears that he did not complete the Bergexamen, presumably for lack of funds. Instead, he moved to Stockholm where, about 1812, he en- tered government service. After a short period of working in one of the ministries, he became vice- auditor with the Swedish artillery, a position that led to the title of auditor but to no salary. The period of Scheutz's university studies and sub- sequent judicial apprenticeship had provided few op- portunities for communicating on scientific matters. His contemporary, Ludvig Borgstrom, who had spent a portion of this period in Stockholm studying under Johan Jacob Berzelius, upon his return to Jonkoping singled out Georg Scheutz as being the only one there whose scientific interests and knowledge he could enjoy and admire. If Jonkoping provided little scientific stimulation, the opportunities in literature were greater. In par- ticular Scheutz's superior at the Gota court, the Honorable J. Wetterbergh, opened his home to the young Jonkoping men of Scheutz's generation for hours of discussion on literary topics. Wetterbergh, like Scheutz, had chosen a legal career from neces- sity. His primary inclinations favored literature and scholarship. He combined a preference for traditional literary style with a politically liberal outlook—not surprising in a man known to regard Voltaire, Pope, and Helvetius as his heroes (Borgstrom, 1836). Wetterbergh had sponsored Jonkoping's first news- paper in the days of Gustavus in. Having run afoul of the censors of this monarch's regime, this activity brought him a certain renown as a champion of freedom of the press. The new constitution of 1809 set the stage for the gradual restoration of freedom of the press. The topic was one that was to become a well-known issue over the next decade and a major factor in Georg Scheutz's career. Scheutz's last years in Jonkoping marked the be- ginning of his life-long publishing activities. In 1809 appeared his translation into Swedish of an account of far-off Brazil by the German traveler and geogra- pher, Eberhard August Wilhelm Zimmermann (1743- 1815). Scheutz's choice of this work is characteristic. Throughout his career he was to translate, publish, or print works that fed a reader's imagination with information surrounded by an aura of adventure, or tales of adventure through which shone an ever- recurring practical realism. Scheutz's early literary efforts also included at- tempts at poetry and other forms of belles-lettres. However, his greatest literary contributions were to come through his translations, his editing, and his nonfictional prose writings. In 1816, Scheutz's translation into Swedish of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar appeared. It was the first translation into Swedish of this particular work, and only the second of any Shakespearean work, having been anticipated by Erik Gustaf Geijer's (1783- 1847) version of MacbetJi in 1813. Scheutz's trans- lation was published by Cederborgh & Co. in Stock- holm. The next year, Scheutz, freed of governmental service by the dissolution of the Second Artillery, and having recently come into a small inheritance, went into partnership with Fredrik Cederborgh in the publishing enterprise thence known as "Ceder- borgska boktryckeriet." Fredrik Cederborgh, who was a year older than Scheutz, was making a name for himself. At a time when Swedish readers had to rely heavily on trans- lations for fictional prose entertainment, Cederborgh had endeared himself to the public by producing two SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY spicy novels. His picaresque realism found less favor with the school of the "New Romantic" critics clustered about Uppsala; but it gave him a place in the history of the Swedish novel, setting him at the beginning of a line that was to lead to Nobel prize height within less than a century. In 1816 Cederborgh embarked on another activity that was to make his name equally familiar among those in government circles not inclined to reading novels. He published a weekly, Anmdrkaren, that marks the start of the trend in opposition journalism in nine- teenth-century Sweden. Scheutz's name soon became linked with that of Cederborgh in this pioneering activity. PUBLISHER AND PUBLICIST The Cederborgh-Scheutz venture involved a good share of simple muck-racking. Thus it was Anmiir- karen that brought to public notice in 1819 the false murder confessions obtained by torture from the innocent family of a servant who alone had been guilty; the steady pursuit of the case by the pub- lishers resulted in the acquittal of the innocent and the removal from office and imprisonment of a high ranking responsible official. For three years Scheutz and Cederborgh divided the work on Anmdrkaren —for a while their contract stipulated that Ceder- borgh would be responsible for the odd numbers of the paper, Scheutz for the even ones! In 1820 Scheutz took over Cederborgska boktryckeriet, which henceforth bore his own name. In 1819 Scheutz had taken out a permit for a new journal, Anmdrkarne; the earlier journal, Anmdrka- ren, soon thereafter passed to another publisher. Anmdrkarne in turn became Argus, which was to gain fame as Sweden's leading political opposition journal of the 1820s. Scheutz continued to print Argus through 1836 and remained its coeditor until 1831, although it soon became identified with the active intelligence of his associate, Johan Johansson (1792-1860). Strictly speaking, there were seven Argus magazines during this time. Under the "liberty of the press" regulations of 1812 the publication regularly lost its license to the government censor. This meant reissuance of a new license to a different applicant for a publication with a "new" neime. When Scheutz lost the license for Argus in January 1822, the engraver J. Malm obtained a license for The Second Argus the following day. Before the end of the year there was a Third Argus, and by 1834, a license for a Third New Argus was issued to a printer's apprentice. Many of the men with whom Scheutz came into contact during the Argus period were to play a sig- nificant role in the growth of the emerging industrial Swedish nation. Presumably their shared points of view, as well as their respect for the indefatigable Scheutz, were factors in providing him with the support he eventually needed to bring about the production of his calculator. Not least among these men was Lars Hierta (1801-1872), who collab- orated on Argus in the midtwenties, prior to found- ing the influential Stockholm paper Aftonbladet. During the next decades, Scheutz's political ac- tivities appeared to recede behind his literary and technological interests. In fact, however, these over- lapped. His championship of free speech and gov- ernmental justice was reflected in the selections of works published and translated, whether it was one of the "subversive" writings of Crusenstolpe in the 1830s or a Victor Hugo satire of the 1850s. Similarly his opposition to protectionism, manufacturers' asso- ciations or the guild system did not wane or become less effective by being transferred to the pages of the economic and technological journals that he pro- duced. The 1820s marked a widening of Scheutz's non- journalistic literary endeavors. His initial translating and publishing efforts had been geared largely to po- tential bestsellers. Julius Caesar had been followed by translations of works by La Motte-Fouque, Wer- ner, Kotzebue and Boccaccio in 1817 and 1818. Gradually such tales of romance and adventure were complemented by the classical works of Aristophanes and Xenophon, native literature such as the historic plays of Per Henrik Ling (1776-1839), and language readers for learning Latin or Italian. Scheutz's most noted literary achievement of the decade was the first Swedish publication of the collected works of Shakespeare; the translations were his and those of the literary scholar Bishop Johan Henrik Thomander (1798-1865). Science and technology assumed a prominent place in Scheutz's pursuits during the 1820s. Even without prior inclinations in this direction, as head of a printing establishment Scheutz could not have long escaped the implications of the technological ad- vances of his time. He had entered the printing pro- fession while this was undergoing revolutionary NUMBER 36 change. The iron press, rotary printing, stereotyping, zincography were but a few of the major innovations that captured the attention of European and Amer- ican printers of the age. The introduction of these products in Sweden tended to lag behind, clustering around the year 1830. Thus, the first Stanhope press was introduced and purchased by Norstedt in 1828, nearly three decades after its invention. The first major cylinder press, a multipurpose machine made by Applegarth and Cowper in London, was pur- chased in 1829 by Nils Magnus Lindh of Orebro, whose brother had established one of the first major Swedish type-foundries in Stockholm. A second cyl- inder press was soon acquired by Lars Hierta for printing his newspaper Aftonbladet. Stereotyping came to Sweden in 1832. However, though the im- portation of these important tools of the trade lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, and native manu- facture proceeded even more slowly, there had been considerable interest in such matters for years. Georg Scheutz not only studied and propagated word of the significant inventions of the time, but tried his own hand at similar contributions. There were unsuccessful efforts at devising a color-grinder and a letter-etching device; and as early as 1823, he invented a cylinder press that incorporated special features to allow for regular bookwork, stone lithog- raphy, and zincography. Neither this press nor Scheutz's other inventions of the period were devel- oped and exploited; but they are indicative of Scheutz's creative drive and his sense of the timely. More influential than his inventions were Scheutz's contributions to the diffusion of technological and scientific knowledge through his publications. These took a variety of forms, prominent among which were the journals edited, published, and printed by him. Scheutz also published a series of translations of handbooks and modern classics in technology and science. What the Encyclopedia Metropolitana was to English readers, Scheutz's Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap provided for the Swed- ish in the 1830s. Here were handbooks on dyeing and brewing, works by Lacroix and Terquem on survey- ing and algebra, Bailly on natural science, Brunton on mechanics, and Hermbstadt on technology. Works that were not included in their entirety in the Biblio- tek were excerpted and serialized in one of the journals. Characteristic of his approach was Scheutz's handling of the Journal for manufakturer och hushdllning. It was essentially a digest containing articles from the major scientific and technological journals of England, Germany, and France. Besides standard publications, such as the Bulletin de la Societe d'Encouragement pour ITndustrie Nationale or Dingler's Polytechnisches Journal, newcomers like the Journal of the Franklin Institute were included, along with summaries of recently issued patents, re- ports on industrial expositions, and recipes for the homemaker. The Journal for manufakturer had first appeared in 1825; after a seven-year period of dor- mancy, it reappeared in 1833. FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH BABBAGE'S WORK The year 1832 had been an exciting one for pro- moters of technology in Sweden; the events taking place must have appeared auspicious for resurrecting a journal dealing with manufacturing. The Gota Canal was completed, stereoplating was introduced, a major Industrial Exhibition opened in Stockholm. Questions pertaining to the economy of machinery and manufacturers were foremost discussion topics in Georg Scheutz's circles. It is not surprising that an English mathematician's book on that topic appear- ing in 1832 should capture Scheutz's attention and appear worthy of thorough treatment in ihejournal for manufakturer. The work was Charles Babbage's Economy of Machinery and Manufactures. Charles Babbage (1792-1871), a banker's son, had studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge (Figure 2). As an undergraduate, he was a co-founder in 1812 of the Analytical Society, a student orga- nization designed to promote the mathematical methods, notation, and techniques found in the works of Lagrange, Laplace, Lacroix, and other continental mathematicians following Leibnizian traditions in analysis, in opposition to the Newtonian method of fluxions and its associated English geometric tradi- tion. This student venture is memorable, not only because it led to reform in the teaching of mathe- matics at Cambridge and pointed to the direction of subsequent English research in algebra and analysis, but also because the orientation of the Analytical Society is mirrored in Babbage's subsequent work. Emphasis on algorithmic procedures and interest in the effect of the use of signs dominate the mathe- matical papers he wrote in the decade following his graduation from Cambridge, as well as the many areas of applications that concerned him throughout SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 2.—Charles Babbage. his life. As a co-founder of the Astronomical Society of London in 1820 his interests were channeled to- ward the application of repetitive machine action to the computation of astronomical tables. This led to the concept of the mathematical machine that he called a "difference engine." Encouraged by an award from the Astronomical Society and the promise of government support by the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, Babbage spent several years of concentrated effort on this machine during the 1820s, interrupted by a continental tour in 1827-28, during which he familiarized himself with foreign techniques related to machines and manufacturing processes in general. Shortly after his return, Babbage, having been ap- pointed to the Lucasian chair at Cambridge, received a new grant for the construction of the difference engine. By this time, designs for the machine had been drawn and redrawn, the difficulties of precision- parts manufacture had been faced, and the produc- tion of tools and parts was underway. Babbage now summarized his findings and conclusions on machinery and manufactures. The result, at one point intended as a series of lectures to be given at Cambridge, was the book Economy of Machinery and Manufactures that gave Babbage a niche in the history of industrial management. It quickly passed through three edi- tions. Scheutz selected several chapters from the third edition as the basis for the translations and para- phrases that he published in his Journal for manu- fakturer. Calling attention to general principles governing the construction of machinery, Babbage implied a rationale for scientific design of machinery, and tried similarly to suggest the existence of general rules governing the management of manufacturing proc- esses. His stated aim in writing the book (Babbage, 1833:1) had been to point out the effects and the advantages which arise from the use of tools and machines;—to endeavour to classify their modes of action;—and to trace both the causes and the consequences of applying machinery to supersede the skill and power of the human arm. In addition to the timeliness of the general topics Scheutz presumably welcomed many of Babbage's specific examples and analyses, such as those used to argue against certain forms of organized labor. The chapter dealing with the topic that was to become of central importance for the involvement of Scheutz in the history of computing technology was that "On the Division of Mental Labour." Bab- bage stressed the applicability of the principle of the division of labor to mental, as well as mechanical, labor. He related the story of the French mathema- tician Baron de Prony (1755-1839), who was charged by the French government with the production of the logarithmic and trigonometric tables necessitated by the French attempt to extend use of the decimal system to the division of the circle into 100 parts. While pondering the organization of this massive undertaking, Prony is said to have chanced upon a copy of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Scanning the introductory chapter, on the division of labor, it occurred to Prony to divide the "manufacture" of the mathematical tables in a fashion analogous to that which Smith described for the manufacture of pins. Prony decided upon the following schema. He established three sections of work. To the first section he assigned five or six distinguished mathematicians. Their sole function was to select, from numerous available analytic expressions for a certain function, that formula most easily computed by a large num- ber of individuals working simultaneously. To the second section he assigned seven or eight competent mathematicians charged with giving numerical values to the formulas selected by the first section, on which the actual computations would be based. The NUMBER 36 members of the second section also verified subse- quent calculations by analytic means. To the third section Prony assigned 60 to 80 individuals who needed no mathematical knowledge beyond the abil- ity to add and subtract. This section carried out the required computations. Babbage noted that the work of this third section, which had produced 17 folio volumes of computations, could be mechanically executed by a machine. As Babbage explained, this technique of comput- ing mathematical tables was based on the method of differences. This method allows any table giving the values of a mathematical function to be formed by a sequence of additions and subtractions. Suppose the desired function f(x) equals x^. This means a table of squares is to be constructed. To determine its values for integral values of x, four columns of figures are necessary. The first one contains the values of integers x; the second contains the values f(x)^x^; the third contains the differences A of successive squares; and the fourth contains the dif- ference A^ of these, or the "second differences." The second difference will always be constant for f(x)=x\ A A = fix) 1 4 16 Therefore, it suffices to know the values of A:^ for x=l, x^2, and x — 3. Now all the following values x=i can be found by simple subtractions and addi- tions as follows: The values of the initial two first differences are obtained by subtracting /(I) from /(2), and /(2) from /(3). The first subtraction, 4—1, gives 3; the second, 9—4, gives 5. Obtaining the difference of these first differences, 5 — 3, gives the second difference, 2. Since this is known to be constant, the column A^ of the second differences can now be filled by simply inserting 2 as often as necessary; the column A of first differences can be completed by adding the second difference to the first difference that has been obtained last: 5+2=:7, 7-f-2=9, 9+2=11, etc. Now the column f(x) of the functional values to be tabulated can be filled in by adding these first differences to the corresponding values of f(x): 9+7=16, 16+9=25, 25+11 = 36, etc. The entire method hinges only on knowing the order of the constant differences, or, for functions that have no constant differences, knowing what assumptions may be made, or formulas employed, to obtain a sufficiently close approximation. Making these determinations was the task Prony assigned to his best-trained group; computing the initial values, corresponding to first obtaining /(1)=1, /(2)=4, /(3) =9 in our example, was the task as- signed to the second group; the subtractions and additions that remain to fill in the table were the assignment of the third group, which Babbage wished to give to a machine. To illustrate the feasi- bility of this concept, Babbage asked his readers to consider three clocks, A, B, and C, each having a dial divided into 1000 numbered divisions and each having one hand. Each clock is arranged so that when a string is pulled, a bell on that clock strikes a number of times equal to the number at which the hand of the clock points. In addition, when the bell strikes n times on clock C, this causes clock B to advance n units; similarly, the bell on clock B causes A's hand to move forward. Babbage noted that if the clocks are initially set at A=l, B=3, and C=:2, this corresponds exactly to the square-number table, with clock A representing the values f(x)—x^, B the first differences, and C the second differences. Intrigued by this account in Babbage's Economy, Scheutz discovered a more detailed discussion of Babbage's machine, which appeared in the Edin- burgh Review for July 1834. In this issue, Dionysius Lardner (1793-1859) reviewed a set of seven pub- lications pertaining to the machine, ranging from Babbage's accounts of 1822 and 1823 to the 1829 report by a committee of the Royal Society. Lardner used the opportunity of the reviews to treat in detail three major aspects of the problem of publishing mathematical tables. First, he presented a sketch of several major tables produced over the preceding 50 years, using these to illustrate the difficulty and importance of producing large quantities of error- free copies relatively cheaply and rapidly. Secondly, he described for the reader, in relatively nontechnical fashion, the working of the machine, and Babbage's concept of mechanical notation. Finally, after a brief review of previous efforts at mechanical calculation, he reviewed the history and status of the actual con- struction of Babbage's engine. Things had not gone well with the construction of the machine since 1830. 8 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Work had been suspended, the laborers dismissed, and Lardner's article concluded with a plea to all concerned to air their problems and not let the considerable investment made by the British govern- ment and by Babbage himself be wasted. Lardner's writings, the work of a noted scientific author and initiator in 1829 of the Cabinet Cyclo- pedia, may have been of particular interest to Scheutz. Although it was not the first means by which Scheutz learned of the machine—despite a frequently repeated statement to that effect, appar- ently circulated by Babbage himself—Lardner's article was undoubtedly the most useful, reflecting the expository talent of the author. While not suf- ficiently specific to permit exact copying of Bab- bage's design, Lardner's discussion clearly conveyed the basic concept of the machine and at least a general outline of its mechanical action and com- position. Creation of the Calculator Having read of Babbage's machine, Georg Scheutz satisfied himself that such a device was indeed feasible. After familiarizing himself more closely with compu- tational techniques and the construction of the dif- ference "engine" he built a small model of wood, wire, and cardboard, which appeared to prove the point. This model might well have joined Scheutz's earlier inventions as an example of his alertness to the currents of the day, to be remembered when someone else's practicable version came along. That this did not happen is due to Georg Scheutz's son Edvard. EDVARD SCHEUTZ, THE ENGINEER Edvard Scheutz was 16 when he undertook the construction of a model of the difference engine (Figure 3). Born in Stockholm on 3 September 1821, he had attended the New Elementary School in that city until his early education was interrupted as the result of a leg injury. In 1835 he entered the Tech- nological Institute, then in its first decade of existence, and remained there until 1841. Little is known of Edvard Scheutz's interests outside the field of me- chanical technology. It seems clear, however, that he worked closely with his father. He even wrote a comedy published by the Scheutz firm in 1836, when Edvard was 15! FIGURE 3.—Edvard Scheutz. During the summer vacation of 1837, Edvard asked and was granted his father's permission to enlarge upon the rough model of a difference en- gine, and produced a metal version. It pleased his father sufficiently to approach the Swedish Academy of Sciences that fall with a request that the academy support a grant application to the Swedish govern- ment for the construction of a full-scale difference engine. After a rather lengthy period of deliberation, the academy—perhaps influenced by the ominous stories of Babbage's machine—refused to support the request because of the high cost of such a venture. Edvard and his father continued their efforts, despite this initial rejection. The older Scheutz sent out feelers to other institutions of learning. Thus, the Paris Academy of Sciences recorded that in Decem- ber 1838 the Minister of Public Instruction trans- mitted a note from Scheutz regarding "a calculating machine, announced as being simpler and hence less costly than that of Mr. Babbage." The younger NUMBER 36 Scheutz continued to tinker on the model, making use of a home workshop that his father had helped him install in 1837, in return for his undertaking work on the machine. By 1840 he had a five-place machine that would compute one order of differ- ences. Within another two years the machine had been increased to compute up to three orders of differences. At last, early in 1843, the printing mechanism was completed. Fittingly, that February, during the first year of Edvard's majority, Georg Scheutz turned over to his son the printing estab- lishment. PERFORMANCE TESTS OF THE MODEL With the proper integration of the printing com- ponent, the complete machine model was ready for trial. The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences was invited to inspect the machine and, after several tests, a three-man commission delivered its verdict. The three members of the Academy's commission were Johan Jacob Berzelius (1779-1848), the world- famous chemist, who was secretary of the academy; N. H. Selander (1804-1870), astronomer and geode- sist, who since 1837 served as the academy's astron- omer, holding the title of professor; and C. B. Lillie- hook (1809-1890), professor of physics at the Higher Artillery School at Marieberg. Their statement read in part as follows {Specimens, 1857:x) : The apparatus in question is composed of three parts. 1st. The Calculating Machine.—-It cannot compute series of a higher degree than the third, nor does it give complete terms exceeding five figures; but in the nature of the mechanism, there is nothing to prevent its extension to the working of series of any degree whatever, and to terms of as many figures as the purpose may require. 2nd. The Printing Machine.—Every term given by the calculating apparatus is expressed by printed figures, closely arranged in lines, as in a printed table, the lines being impressed on some softer material, adapted to receive gal- vanoplastic or stereotyped copies. All the lines succeed each other very correctly in the same vertical column. 3rd. The Numbering Machine.—With the printing ma- chine, another apparatus is combined, which prints the arguments before every term. The machine is put in motion by turning the handle of a winch, by means of which, and without further manipulation, the calculation, as well as the printing and arranging of figures and lines, are effected. The cautious statement of the scientific committee certified the conceptual and technological soundness of the proposed machine. What remained to trans- late the working model into a saleable product was supporting capital. This was beyond the means of the Scheutzes. A PERIOD OF WAITING In 1844 Georg Scheutz requested 10,000 riksdollar from the Swedish crown to construct a full-scale model. But the academy, while attesting to the physi- cal possibility of building such a machine, was not prepared to guarantee from its construction an ad- vantage to the nation commensurate with the cost. Lacking assurance that building a difference engine would be in the national interest, the government denied Scheutz's request, and the model lay dormant for some years. Direct attempts to find a buyer for a full-size machine failed. Foreign references to the endeavor tended to associate it with the money-consuming Babbage effort, or to overlook the progress that had been made in demonstrating the feasibility of such a construction since Scheutz's first announcement in 1838. The first interpretation is illustrated by the negative reactions received by the Swedish ambassa- dor to England, Count Bjornstjerma (1779-1847), when he transmitted the Scheutzes' offer to construct for purchase a machine that would print 17-digit tables computed with seven orders of differences. The second is reflected in a report on the state of the art of the calculating machine for the Committee of Mechanic Arts of the French Society for the Encouragement of National Industry, presented by the French mathematician Theodore Olivier (1793- 1853) in 1843. This included an observation that Scheutz's invention, announced in 1838, had not been executed and that its author had not revealed its mechanism. While the model was put aside, numerous trains of events converged to make certain groups in Sweden more receptive to the idea of the Scheutz machine. The senior Scheutz continued to support the growth of Sweden's fledgling industrial economy, notably through his editorial and publishing activities, resulting in industrial and polytechnic journals and new reference works similar to those mentioned be- fore, and became Secretary of Sweden's Society of Industrial Progress. At the same time, Scheutz ex- panded his pursuits in the scientific field, thus establishing closer ties with members of the Swedish Academy. In 1842 he had signed a contract with Lars Hierta, making him a regular contributor to 10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Aftonbladet, with the special responsibility of keep- ing the public informed on scientific subjects. In 1843, his introduction to a massive textbook on natural history was printed by the firm of Lars Hierta. Intended to serve as a textbook and for self-study, it combined the qualities of a dictionary, travelog, and economic adas. A few years later Scheutz authored a treatise on the solution of numerical equations {Nytt och enkelt salt att losa nummereq- vatloner) based on the writings of J. M. Agardh (1812-1862), astronomer at the University of Lund, who had been raised by his uncle Carl Adolph Agardh (1785-1859) one of Sweden's leading scien- tists and a senior member of the academy. By 1850, Scheutz's efforts to promote knowledge of scientific, mathematical, and technological develop- ments were by no means unique. Interested readers who did not subscribe to Bibliotek for vetenskap could find scientific reading matter in the comparable series Bibliotek i popular naturkunnighet published by Zacharias Haeggstrom in Stockholm. In 1846 this even included a translation into Swedish of Bab- bage's Ninth Bridge-water Treatise, which contained a brief reference not only to the difference machine but also to the concept of the analytical engine, a machine that could perform an arbitrary sequence of algebraic calculations. Further Babbage materials were available in the library of the Polytechnic In- stitute in Stockholm, which by 1848 contained a German translation of his work on life-assurances, a French translation of the Economy, and a copy of his Reflections on the Decline of Science (Stock- holm, 1849). Scheutz's name also remained before the literary public. In particular, his earlier Shakespearean studies were recalled, when in the spring of 1847 his version of King Lear was performed at one of Stockholm's major theaters (F. Dahlgren, 1866). What added to Scheutz's reputation and following more significantly than any of these particular ac- tivities was the fact that the movements Georg Scheutz had supported for so many years were on the ascendant. After some bitter struggles brought about by its opposition to Charles xiv, the Bernadotte king, the Swedish press was becoming a powerful force in the growing nation. The change was symbol- ized by the action of the 1844-45 Parliament which repealed the government's right to suppress news- papers; Lars Hierta's Aftonbladet, often identified as the driving political force of the press, had been strongly influential in bringing this about. Soon after the ascendance to the throne of Oscar i in 1844, the protectionist policies that had been the target of the attacks launched by Scheutz and his friends were reviewed and replaced by more liberal trade legislation. Scheutz could take particular pleasure in the repeal in 1846 of compulsory guild membership. The relaxation of trade restrictions coincided with a similar policy in Peel's England. These circumstances, combined with the general technological and industrial expansion of the age, led to an unprecedented exchange of goods and informa- tion between the two countries. If the rise of the Swedish sawmill industry was encouraged by Eng- land's need for timber and paper, so England's leadership in transportation and communication served as a model for Sweden in establishing its modern postal service and banking systems, and, somewhat later, its railroad and telegraph networks. Within Sweden's parliament, the Riksdag, the stronghold of the movements which Scheutz sup- ported was the chamber of burghers. Until 1862, the Riksdag consisted of four chambers: those of the nobles, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasants (bonde). The chamber of burghers contained the core of the liberal opposition, and was the source of a variety of reform measures. It was here that a motion was brought in 1851 to support the construc- tion of a large working calculator based on the Scheutzes' design. OBTAINING A GOVERNMENT GRANT In January 1851, Scheutz presented a new request to the crown for government funds to support build- ing a larger working machine. It was for 3333 riksdollar and 16 skilling—one-third of the amount asked in 1844. It was pointed out that the money could be used in part to support travel abroad to present the model, especially to those countries that published annual nautical almanacs and astronomical tables. The request was accompanied with a state- ment from the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, two of whose members had again examined the ma- chine in December 1850. They were Fabian Wrede (1802-1893) and L. I. Wallmark (1810-1855). Wrede, member of an old, established, and distin- guished Swedish family, had held military rank in the Gotha artillery and had taught physics and me- chanics at the Higher Artillery School at Marieberg NUMBER 36 11 since the 1830s. His fellow academicians recognized him for his theoretical investigations in physics and physical chemistry. Wallmark was director of the Royal Technical Institute, Edvard Scheutz's alma mater. At the age of thirty he had been manager of the Motala mechanical works. After experience as draughtsman there, as custodian of physical instru- ments at the Academy of Sciences, and as inspector of various technological enterprises, he was equally well-qualified to assess the machine. The 1851 statement from the academy was far more supportive than the evaluation given seven years earlier. It endorsed Scheutz's request on the basis that the auditor Scheutz and his son have expended much effort on the machine and expenditures that are not inconsiderable in relation to their income. In addition, the auditor for a long time has disseminated knowledge in his fatherland concerning useful inventions. All of this, as far as is known to the Academy, has been done without any assistance from the State; for this reason, and since he now seeks a dona- tion that does not come to 1 % of that which England paid for the Babbage machine, the Academy advises most humbly that the humble petition of the auditor Scheutz be granted. In addition, it takes the liberty to suggest that the machine be retained in the possession of the Messrs Scheutz, since the support sought otherwise would not be sufficient recom- pense for the private sacrifices which have been made for an invention that will doubtless be in the interest of science and honor of the fatherland. (Sweden, Riksdagen, 1851, no 294:15-16; translated by author). The request was denied by the crown for lack of funds. In the chamber of burghers, however, A. M. Brinck, 57-year old merchant of Stockholm and a leading member of the opposition, on 29 April sent a motion to the parliament's Select Committee, recommending a grant to the Scheutzes. The Select Committee pondered the matter and on 2 August 1851 a modified proposal emerged (Figure 4). The committee noted that on the basis of the statement from the Academy of Sciences it did not doubt the advantages of the calculating ma- chine in question; but it felt that it was not in a position to recommend unqualified payment. The Select Committee, therefore, proposed that the chambers vote to put at the disposal of the Crown the amount of 3333 riksdollar and 16 skilling from the treasury to be paid to Scheutz if, after due examination. His Majesty found that the machine invented by the Scheutzes had been completed and fulfilled its intended purpose (Sweden: Riksdagen, 1851, 294:16). The reason for the committee's modi- fication of Brinck's original proposal emerges from a minority report in which several members of the chamber of nobles expressed their reservations on the grounds that the Academy of Sciences in certify- ing the practicability of the calculator had only gone so far as to say that they "had reason to suspect that it is useful." (Sweden: Riksdagen, 1851, 328:17). The question of "a government grant for the support of a machine invented to calculate, compose and print mathematical tables" came to a vote two weeks later (Sweden, 1851, no. 294). The chamber of the clergy took up the proposal on the 14th of August and approved it. The other three chambers voted on the following day. In the cham- ber of nobles there was a certain amount of dis- cussion, during which some of the same members who had expressed reservations in the Select Com- mittee led the opposition to the motion. Nevertheless, it passed. It also passed—easily—in the chamber of burghers. Only the bonde, the peasants, declined to adopt the motion. Among those bringing procedural arguments to bear against it in their chamber was Ola Mansson (1808-1892) nowadays remembered as the paternal grandfather of Charles A. Lindbergh (1902-1974). Approval of the three chambers was sufficient; but under the terms of the motion adequate funds would not be paid out until the machine was completed. ■Slah-t'tikiiUeU I'tlilanie. J\:o 23*. N:o SD-I-. Ank. till Exp-Ctsk, dc-i i Laf l»ai, k|. i < , VUdlamle, i anlcdn'tng af rclelU motion om slulmu.Kj till bckoiilandc of en uppfunncn mndun i... utrlikning, sa'.tning och tnjekning af muu.'- maliska labellcr. FIGURE 4.—Resolution by the 1851 Select Committee of Sweden's ParUament supporting construction of the Scheutz calculator. 12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY To initiate its construction, some individual or group had to be willing to supply the capital and to run the risk of loss if the project proved unsuccessful. A group of underwriters was found. This group included scientists and technologists, members of the academy, and liberal members of the Riksdag. Well repre- sented among the subscribers were the publishers and journalists who claimed Georg Scheutz as one of their own; prominent among them were men asso- ciated with Aftonbladet, including Lars Hierta and two of his successors. With financial backing assured, work on the full- scale machine could at last begin. It was performed under the supervision of Edvard Scheutz. Space, equipment, and supporting expertise were furnished by J. W. Bergstrom (Figure 5) and his mechanical works. Bergstrom (1812-1881) was a rising indus- trialist. The son of a joiner in Samuel Owen's foundry, he had been trained as a glass blower and by the 1830s he had established himself in the glass business. In the early 1840s he became interested in the new daguerrotype process and became Stock- holm's leading daguerrotypist. In 1846 he opened his mechanical works, which quickly became a well- known, respected establishment. Here the Scheutz calculator was built (Figure 6), which bears the inscription: "Inventerad af G. & E. Scheutz / For- fardigad hos J. W. Bergstrom. / Stockholm / 1853." FIGURE 5.—J. W. Bergstrom. FIGURE 6.—Detail of the Scheutz calculator. Inscription reads: "Inventerad af G. & E. Scheutz/Forfardigad hos. J. W. Bergstrom./Stockholm/1853." (SI photo 74-11265) NUMBER 36 13 Structure and Operation of the Scheutz Calculator By 1 February 1852, the first working drawings of the ultimate design were finished. The machine itself was completed in October 1853 (Figure 7). The machine could handle numbers of 15 digits and tabulate functions with 4 orders of differences, the fourth being constant. The tabular values and differences were repre- sented by number wheels arranged horizontally in a 15 by 5 array. The top row of 15 figures represented the tabular values; the second row, the first differ- ences; the third row, second differences; the fourth row, third; and the fifth row, the constant fourth differences. This arrangement corresponded to that described by Lardner for a smaller machine, al- though Babbage had inverted the rows and columns. As Lardner had explained, to compute a table by the method of differences, these rows had to be connected so that a number could be added from one row to the row above it. At the outset of a computation, the number wheels were set manually (Figure 8a). Each wheel was toothed at the bottom; the number of teeth de- pended on the numbers to be represented by the wheel. These ranged from 0 to 9 for the most part, but there were a few wheels adapted to computation in minutes and seconds, which ranged from 0 to 5 only. The wheels had no spokes or other parts touching the vertical axes around which they were rotated. Rather, each was simply enclosed in a fixed concentric ring or ring segment supported by a shelf forming part of the main frame of the machine. Each wheel had an adding mechanism, consisting of a "catch-and-trap" combination (Figure 8&). An upward catch was attached to the upper part of the wheel, the corresponding trap to the central axis surrounded by that wheel, at a point approximately midway between it and the wheel above it. As the axes rotated, the traps revolved within the calcu- lating wheels. Each trap had an arm which touched the catch of the wheel below it as the trap revolved. Depending on the direction of this revolution, it either pressed down a portion of the catch and passed it freely, or was caught by it and raised. When the trap was raised, it engaged the number wheel above it, thereby turning it. A related stud and lever mechanism provided for carrying as the upper wheel passed from 9 to 0 (or 5 to 0, in the case of the "sexial" wheels) (Figure 8c). A small stud between these two digits pushed against a lever when a wheel FIGURE 7.—The Scheutz calculator. (SI photo 74-11266) 14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 8.—The Scheutz calculator: a, number wheels (SI photo 74-11262); b, "catch-and-trap" mechanism with number wheels (SI photo 74-11263); c, "pillar" carry mechanism (SI photo 74-11267). NUMBER 36 15 passed from 9 to 0. This lever extended to the left in front of the preceding wheel. The carrying action was prompted by a moving upright "pillar." If the stud had pressed against the lever, this then came into contact with the pillar, causing a pivot arm on that pillar to engage the wheel behind the lever and to move it forward one unit, thus effecting the carry. The concept of adding number wheels was not new. Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) had demonstrated an effective carry mechanism in the seventeenth cen- tury; numerous counting and adding mechanisms had been devised since then; and in the Economy, Babbage had devoted a chapter to registering de- vices. In his design for the "difference engine," Bab- bage had accepted a new challenge: that of effecting simultaneous additions of several orders of these multiple-place figures. As Lardner had explained, to minimize the strain on the machine imposed by a large number of simultaneous additions and carries Babbage designed the machine to do the work in four stages: In the first stage, the even rows were added to the odd rows, omitting carries; in the sec- ond, the carries accompanying the preceding additions were completed; in the third, the odd rows were added to the even rows; in the last, the remaining carries were completed. Lardner provided a general description of the mechanisms intended to perform these operations, without, however, including any drawings but some sketches of dial faces. The Scheutz machine effected the required simultaneous additions as follows: The machine was crank-operated (Figure 9). Turning the crank set into motion a mangle wheel attached to a bevel wheel arrangement. Connected to this was a vertical toothed sector that engaged with a rack and pinion combination placed on the frame above the top row of number wheels and caused the 15 vertical axes to rotate. Because of the mangle-sector arrangement, the axes rotated alter- nately in a clockwise and counterclockwise direction. Turning the crank also caused the pillars to move in two grooves on either side of the rows of number wheels. This was effected by fastening the pillars to a chain geared to a set of pinions driven by a bevel wheel arrangement connected to the mangle wheel (Figure 10a). Turning the crank caused them al- ternately to move in opposite directions. By means of latch sets, one acted on the rows of odd differences, FIGURE 9.—Crank and initiating mechanism of the Scheutz calculator. (SI photo 74-11268) 16 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 10.—Scheutz calculator: a, chain drive for pillars (SI photo 74-7812); b, side view (SI photo 74-11270) FIGURE. 11.—Top view of Scheutz calculator showing print- ing apparatus. (SI photo 74-11261) the other one on the row of even differences and the top row of tabular values or "zeroth differences." The wheels in successive rows were numbered in op- posite directions. Given the adding and carrying mechanisms just described, this entire arrangement allowed the machine to add all odd differences simul- taneously, followed by the addition of all even dif- ferences; this in turn was followed by the next ad- dition of odd differences, etc. Carrying took place between additions. Finally, there was the printing apparatus (Figure 11). This had been Babbage's stumbling block. The Scheutzes solved the problem. Since only final values needed to be printed, it had to be joined only to the top row of the machine. It extended to eight places. A set of horizontal shafts was placed at right angles to the rows of number wheels. By means of a set of eight cams and "snails" (stepped cylindrical segments) these shafts linked the vertical axes cor- responding to the eight leading digits to a set of racks geared to eight type wheels. The racks were parallel to the rows of number wheels. A bar kept the type wheels stationary while the machine added. Once the calculations had been completed, the bar was removed, releasing a set of weights (Figure lOfe). Being suspended from disks attached to the hori- zontal shafts, these weights were connected to the eight leading number wheel axes by the snail and cam combinations. Upon release, they set the type wheels into action, impressing 8-digit figures onto 8-inch-long strips of papier mache (Figure 12). These strips were usually covered with black lead to facilitate production of stereotype plates from them. NUMBER 36 17 FIGURE 12.—Detail of Scheutz calculator showing type wheels and papier-mSch^ strip. (SI photo 74-11269) Promotion of the Calculator With the completion of the machine began a period of promotion, during which "the Swedish Calculating Machine" gained fame, a buyer, and an offspring. Discussions about the machine ranged over two continents and involved some of the most distinguished scientists, mathematicians, and engi- neers of the day. FINDING A BUYER IN EUROPE In 1854, plans were laid to take the machine to England. Here a number of individuals collaborated in seeking a buyer for the calculator. The Scheutz Calculator traveled to England under the auspices of the firm of Bryan Donkin and Com- pany. This establishment had a distinguished record, especially in matters pertaining to the manufacturing of paper and special-purpose printing devices. The firm had been founded by Bryan Donkin (1768- 1855). Introduced to the paper-making business by John Hall in the 1790s, his first independent venture had been a factory for manufacturing molds for handmade paper. After 1800, Donkin supervised the work of the first English "Fourdrinier" paper machine, initially at Hall's works at Dartford, then at a factory at Bermondsey. Over the next two dec- ades, Donkin manufactured and sold over forty of the machines. However, while the Fourdriniers, with whom Donkin had a royalty arrangement, went bankrupt, Donkin, whose firm had constructed 191 paper machines by 1851, had intensified his produc- tion efforts. It was Bryan Donkin and Company that built the automatic printing machines designed to carry out the multiple-color printing process patented by William Congreve (1772-1828) in 1820; these machines were used for printing postage and other government stamps in various parts of the British Empire, and related models for printing the notes of the Bank of England. Bryan Donkin's patents included numerous devices related to writing, print- ing, counting, and recording. Among these were a 18 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY rotary printing machine, invented in collaboration with Richard Mackenzie Bacon; a counting machine; a counter invented in 1818 and given prominent mention by Babbage in his discussion of recording devices in the Economy; a tachometer for measuring machine speeds; and—as early as 1808—a steel writing pen. Among his numerous other enterprises were construction of astronomical apparatus; inven- tion of a dividing engine; purchase, with Hall and John Gamble (holder of the English "Fourdrinier" patents), of the English rights to the Appert food canning process; collaboration with Brunei in work on the Thames River tunnel; and design and con- struction of water wheels, and later of water tur- bines for use by paper mills. Finally, Donkin's firm had supplied parts for Babbage's calculating machine. Babbage himself was among the numerous English engineers, scientists, and men of state with whom Bryan Donkin had maintained a good working re- lationship. Common interests brought the two men together, either at meetings of clubs or societies, such as the Institution of Civil Engineers of which Bryan Donkin had been a founder, or on commit- tees, such as that appointed by the Bank of England in the 1830s to inspect the Oldham system. Bryan Donkin had retired from his firm in 1846, leaving the business in the hands of his three sons. The oldest, John, died in 1854, the year that his brother, the second Bryan, had the Scheutz machine brought from Sweden. Considering Sweden's stake in the manufacture of paper and other wood products, it is not surpris- ing that Swedish businessmen would have had contacts with Bryan Donkin and Company. Among such men was Per Ambjorn Sparre (1828-1921), member of an old aristocratic Swedish family, who was in Lon- don to obtain advice and equipment for his recently established printing firm (Figure 13). After a year at the University of Uppsala, the young businessman had studied at the mechanical works in Motala from 1848 to 1850. In 1850 he had become manager of the Tumba Paper Mill, a branch of the State Bank of Sweden, where Swedish bank note paper was pro- duced. After two years at Tumba, Sparre was ready to embark in business on his own. Having specialized in the production of security paper, necessary for printing stamps as well as bank notes, he established a small printing firm, from which emerged Sweden's first postage stamps in 1855. Part of the printing equipment Sparre had invented himself. The rest of FIGURE 13.—Per Ambjorn Sparre. his machines, as well as books, were largely pur- chased in England. The related negotiations brought Sparre to London the year the Scheutz calculator was completed. Upon its arrival in London, the calculator was taken in hand by William Gravatt (1806-1866). An engineer whose career had brought him closer to railways and bridges than calculators and printing presses, Gravatt soon became an enthusiastic cham- pion and care-taker of the Scheutz machine. Pre- sumably he became involved in the project because of a certain amount of debt to the Donkins. While in his teens, Gravatt had been apprenticed to Bryan Don- kin, Sr., by his father, who was inspector of the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. Having obtained thorough training in mechanical and civil engineer- ing Gravatt went to work for Brunei, being put in charge of machinery and management of the "shield" for the Thames River tunnel, the part of the project that involved the Donkin firm. When the Thames project was interrupted in 1832, Gravatt, on Donkin's recommendation, obtained a position as engineer to Calder and Hubble Navigation, where he made a NUMBER 36 19 name for himself by his bridge designs. He subse- quently was employed by several railway builders, as well as by Brunei. In this connection he designed the well-known "dumpy" level, and made improvements in several other surveying instruments. In the decade preceding the arrival of the Scheutz machine, Gravatt had been caught in several unsuccessful ventures: Working for overextended railway promoters, he was left with surveying debts but no salary. Having been in charge of designing and supervising the construc- tion of the world's largest achromatic telescope, built by George Rennie, the collapse of that enterprise left him unemployed. However, having counted the instrument-maker Edward Troughton (1753-1835) and the physician and scientist William Hyde Wollas- ton (1766-1828) among the companions of his youth, along with Donkin and Brunei, subsequent member- ship in organizations such as the Royal Astronomical Society gained him the friendship and respect of men like the mathematicians Augustus De Morgan and Charles Babbage. Publicity and a Patent The Scheutzes and their machine arrived in Eng- land in the fall of 1854. On the 17th of October they petitioned for a patent and deposited the necessary provisional specifications with the Office of the Com- missioner of Patents (Appendix I). On the 16th of November, the Royal Society learned from a letter sent by Gravatt to its vice-president and treasurer. Colonel Sabine, that "the Swedish Calculating Ma- chine constructed by Mr. Scheutz" had arrived in London (Royal Society, 1854). The machine was initially brought to the Donkins' Bermondsey works, where it was studied, particularly by William Gravatt, who was to become its principal demonstrator. Georg and Edvard Scheutz left England during the winter and signed the full patent specifications before the British Consul in Stockholm on 9 March 1855; Sparre served as one of the witnesses. The patent, which was sealed on the 13 th of April in the Great Seal Patent Office in London, resulted in issuance of Letters Patent No. 2216 (A.D. 1854) "for the inven- tion of 'Improvements in Machinery or Apparatus for Calculating, and Printing the Results in such Calcu- lations'." Issuance of the patent resulted in a certain amount of publicity. On 25 April, the London Daily News carried an account of the machine. During the following weekSj a number of journals and magazines directed at mechanics and engineers presented re- views of the patent and descriptions of the machine. During the spring and summer, however, efforts to gain favorable notice for the machine were concen- trated in two specific directions: the Royal Society of London and the Universal Exposition of 1855 in Paris. For some time in 1855 the machine was set up in the quarters of the Royal Society at Somerset House. There, too, a committee appointed by the Council of the Royal Society to examine the machine had op- portunity to study it closely. The committee consisted of the newly elected secretary of the Royal Society, the mathematician and physicist G. G. Stokes (1819- 1903), as chairman; the crystallographer W. H. Mil- ler (1801-1880); the physicist and inventor C. Wheatstone (1802-1875); and R. Willis (1800- 1875), inventor, architectural archeologist, and pro- fessor of mechanics. The committee prepared a re- port which described the basic problem of tabulating the values of functions, noting Babbage's origination of the concept of a difference engine, and briefly men- tioning the analytical engine, before proceeding to outline the operation of the Scheutz machine. The report noted that although Scheutz had adopted Bab- bage's suggestion of operating oppositely on odd and even differences, so these could be handled simul- taneously, the mechanism of the Scheutz machine is different from Babbage's. The report concluded that the close tabulation of functions that the machine carries out is usually required only in table computa- tion and that the Scheutz machine could be useful in that context. Noting that the standard logarithmic and trigonometric tables had been computed a long time ago, the committee suggested with appropriate caution that it might be worthwhile to construct other tables, "could it be done with the ease and cheapness as would be afforded by the use of the machine" (Royal, 1856a). The report finally noted that the machine would prove worthwhile even in re- printing old tables, because it could "calculate and print more quickly than a good compositor could set the type, and that without risk of error" (Royal, 1856a). Stokes added an individual postscript to the published version of the report, noting Babbage's sug- gestion, which had been communicated to him in the meantime, of using his engine when the last differ- ences are not constant. The committee's report was presented to the So- ciety at its meeting on the 21st of June 1855. The 20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY following Monday Prince Albert went to see it and had its operation explained to him by Gravatt and Donkin. The weekend edition of the Illustrated Lon- don News carried a spread with two illustrations and a concise summary of the machine's operation. The Paris Exposition In the meantime, Swedish and English supporters of the machine had laid plans to bring it to world attention at the Universal Exposition in Paris that year. This major exhibition, which was to attract nearly 24,000 exhibitors, had been scheduled to open on 15 May 1855. Most of the exhibits actually were not opened to the public until July; many of Sweden's contributions had arrived at Dieppe in mid-June, a month after the formal opening. Nevertheless, if the Scheutz machine was to arrive in Paris in time to be viewed and judged by potential users, as well as other visitors, there was little time left for Londoners to see the machine at home that summer. Preparations for showing the machine in Paris in- cluded not only the physical arrangements for trans- porting and exhibiting it, but also strategy for ac- cording it suitable publicity. By his zealous participa- tion in the coordination of these activities, Charles Babbage settled what had become a subject for specu- lation: his feelings about the Scheutz machine. Bab- bage had a reputation for crustiness, and there were those who had expected him to be antagonistic toward the Scheutzes. He was known for his outspokeness and did not hesitate to attack if he felt a matter of standards, honor, or justice was involved. His own difference machine lay incomplete, his repeated ef- forts to gain support for new calculators and com- puters had been turned down, his attempt to gain broad exposure and honor for his machine designs at the Great Exhibition in London's Crystal Palace in 1851 had failed. How great was the surprise of many —including the Scheutzes, who attested to having come to England with a certain amount of trepida- tion—when Babbage foiled the soothsayers. If he had any regret that it was not his own machine traveling to the Continent for a chance at world acclaim, this was submerged in his support of the Swedish machine that could demonstrate the sound- ness of his original concept. His communications during the early summer of 1855, to the Illustrated London News, to Stokes, to the British Association for the Advancement of Science, and to others, had conveyed a poHte interest in the machine and a re- minder of his own contributions to the concept. The opportunity to bring the calculator to the attention of the international public spurred Babbage to more concentrated positive effort. In the end, he proved to be a veritable godfather. The machine was installed at the Paris Exposition in August 1855. On the 29th of that month, Gravatt sent Babbage the somewhat disquieting news from Paris (London, 1856, ms 37196:302) that the machine . . . was terribly shaken in its transport. I was told it was to go by water but instead of that they put it on a common railway truck without so much as a wisp of straw under it.—They have not yet been able to get the Jury to look at it. While Gravatt concerned himself with getting the machine in order, Babbage worked on circulating information about it, and prepared for his own trip to Paris in October. Before his arrival, the French Academy of Sciences received a communication from Babbage, read at their meeting of 1 October, calling attention to the presence of the machine at the Exposition and transmitting his son's drawings on his mechanic notation applied to the Scheutz ma- chine. Henry Prevost Babbage's drawings and the accompanying explanation by his father were pre- sented at the next meeting, which took place on the 8th of October. Babbage spent his time in Paris touting the Scheutz machine, making sure that ac- companying French and English information was properly distributed, and presumably discussing it when he lunched with Michel Chasles and other mathematicians and scientists. Meanwhile, Brand- strom, the Swedish commissioner, presented the ma- chine to Prince Napoleon. Acclaimed as the first machine with the means of calculating and printing the results, the Scheutz difference engine was not lost on the author of the Exposition's major souvenir album either. After briefly noting the efficacy of two French calculators, the "Arithmaurel" of Maurel and Jayet, and the arithmometer of Charles Thomas, both of which had won honorable mention, the Scheutz machine was described by Baron Brisse (1857:194) as follows: This machine, among the most ingenious, solves equations of the fourth degree and of even higher orders; it operates in every number system; in the decimal system, in the sexagesimal system (for trigonometry) or in any other system . . . scientists who vaunt their calculating powers, as a divination of the laws of nature, will be advantageously NUMBER 36 21 replaced by a simple machine, which, under the nearly blind drive of an ordinary man, of a kind of movement, will penetrate infinite space more surely and profoundly than they. Any man knowing how to formulate a problem and having the machine of the Messieurs Scheutz at his disposal for solving it, will replace the need for the Archimedes, the Newtons or the Laplaces. And observe how in the sciences and arts, all is held together and intertwined: this nearly intelligent machine not only effects in seconds calculations which would demand an hour; it prints the results that it obtains, adding the merit of neat calligraphy to the merit of calculation without possible error: the stereotyped numer- als emerge grouped at the will of the operator, and separated, as he desires, by blanks, lines or any arbitrary typographic symbols. If a simple machine can tell us the distance of stars, the extent of celestial globes, the path which the great comets traverse on their parabolic course, what limit can henceforth be assigned to mechanism? What world of impossibilities will not be cleared? In February 1856 Georg Scheutz was elected a member of the Swedish Academy of Sciences in the Class of Practical Mechanics. Shortly thereafter, father and son wrote to Babbage expressing their ap- preciation for his efforts in their behalf. Edvard commented "inventors are usually see[n] to look with jealousy on them which strive in the same way. I ought not to conceal that it was prognosticated even to us, that we should meet an adversary in you; and we have found a protector!" (London, 1856, ms 37196:419). True to form, father Georg put it more poetically: "We came as strangers; but you did not receive us as such: conforming to reality you re- ceived us but as champions for a grand scientific idea. This novel disinterestedness offers so exhilarat- ing an oasis in the deserts of humanity that I wishes [sic] the whole world should know it as I do and feel its soothing effect, as I do; it would be so much the better for the comfort and happiness of mankind" (London, 1856, ms 37196:418). The Scientists Debate Unfortunately, French scientists did not share the enthusiasm of Babbage or of some of the viewers at the exposition. After the closing of the exhibition in December 1855, the difference engine was taken to the Paris Royal Observatory, to be tested in day-to- day operations. The expectation was that if it proved satisfactory purchase would be recom- mended. U. J. J. Leverrier (1811-1877), the re- nowned director of the observatory, however, found it impractical. He felt that the operation still left too much work with the machine operator, and that a well-organized computing program like that at the observatory, making use of human calculators, was at least equal to, if not more efficient than, any me- chanical calculator—ingenious though it might be. While the fate of the machine was undecided in Paris, Babbage continued his efforts on its behalf from England. He corresponded with the astrono- mer Villarceau at the Paris Observatory, who in January had informed him of the director's interest in printing first differences as well as the function values in his tables. Babbage was unaware of the whereabouts of the machine, and for a while made concerned inquiries. He was elated when he was informed that the machine had been deposited at the Paris Observatory by order of the emperor to be put at the disposal of members of the Bureau of Longitude. Mistaking the deposit for a purchase Babbage shared his enthusiasm about the sagacity and enlightenment of the emperor with Lyon Play- fair and other scientists. When notified of the true state of affairs, there was still a good deal of ammuni- tion ready to spread the fame of the machine. Earlier in the winter, Babbage (1856) had prepared a broad- side against the Royal Society of London for not considering Scheutz in their award of medals for the year 1855. The pamphlet, based on an address given from the floor at the society's meeting, presented a short history of Scheutz's efforts and successful achievement of the machine, recalled its success at the Paris Exposition and its deposit in the Paris Observatory, and duly noted the illustrations pre- pared by Henry Babbage "for the use of the jury" that awarded the exposition's medal to the machine. Babbage gave much thought to the distribution of this publication, which was sent to a wide range of potentially interested individuals and institutions, ranging from Prince Albert to the Smithsonian In- stitution. In addition, he worked diligently on the distribution of a French version. This was sent to the Academy of Belgium, French-speaking scientists, and the emperor, as well as appropriate members of his court. In the latter communications Babbage sug- gested making Scheutz a member of the Legion of Honor. The letter to the King of Sweden commended Scheutz to his sovereign's attention and exuded: The science of mathematics is becoming too vast in its details to be completely mastered by human intellect and the time is approaching when the whole of its executive department will be transferred to the unerring power of mechanism . . . Whenever that day shall arrive due honor 22 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY must always be given to Sweden as the country which first produced mechanism to print the results of calculations regu- lated by a mathematical law (London, 1856, ms 37196: 461- 462). Babbage's letter was sent and reached the Swedish court during the first week of April 1856, a month that turned out to mark several significant develop- ments. On the 21st of April, the Scheutzes received the gold medal of the Paris Exposition from Prince Charles in ceremonies at the Royal Palace in Stock- holm; still much later that month Scheutz was made a knight of the Order of Wasa. In the same week, the machine was the subject of discussion at the Paris Academy of Sciences. Babbage, a member of the academy, had trans- mitted his Observations (1856) to that body with a request that it examine the merits of the machine. The mathematician M. Chasles (1856) presented Babbage's paper. In the subsequent discussion, Lever- rier praised the ability of the Scheutzes but expressed his reservations about the machine. Another noted mathematician, A. L. Cauchy, supported Leverrier's position. Charles Dupin (1784-1873), while being careful to acknowledge the superior merits of the observatory's calculators, spoke strongly in favor of encouraging the inventors to make further improve- ments on the machine and to promote the art of mechanic computation generally. Citing other ex- amples from the recent history of technology, espe- cially photography, Dupin argued that abandoning a new invention because it had not reached a desired state of perfection would have caused most innova- tions to fail. The aging mathematician concluded by reminding his fellow academicians that for them the greatest merit must be invention itself. Speaking for the acceptance of calculating machines in general he (Dupin, 1856:800) noted: Discoveries of genius must be received without worrying whether the new means are more or less expeditious than previously existing means. The parts where the contrived machines are inferior to established procedures must be regarded not as an obstacle before which one must stop, but as the obiect of further re.search and new discoveries. .Despite the academician's noble plea, it appeared that Leverrier's judgment would prevail on practical rr'-ounds. No director of an organization with estab- lished procedures and periodic deadlines seemed in- clined to invite the disruption and delays that the introduction of the new calculating machine would bring with it. If there was any hope of putting the machine to work it lay elsewhere. For weeks, no Paris buyer appeared. In May, the emperor was visited by Prince Oscar of Sweden; to- gether with the Archduke Ferdinand-Maximilian they toured the observatory. Edvard Scheutz had re- turned to Paris; but, despairing of finding a home for the machine there, he decided to try his luck in England, and so advised Bryan Donkin, asking Don- kin what his chances might be. Donkin relayed the inquiry to Babbage. Charles Babbage had an answer. PURCHASE AND USE IN AMERICA While the efforts of Babbage, Donkin, and Gravatt had left Old World scientists debating the question whether a machine calculator should replace a team of human computers, there was more receptivity to the idea in the New World. Here, the subject of computation was one close to the hearts of a scientific community in which mathematical activities were geared almost exclusively to the needs of the naviga- tor and the astronomer. The emphasis lay not so much on following established procedures as on find- ing new methods to solve given problems, and the young computer teams in institutions like the Nauti- cal Almanac, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, or various observatories included many individuals with interests and aspirations that lay beyond routine computations. Babbage's New World Supporters Babbage's efforts had been followed with special interest by the small group of New England scientists that came to be known as the scientific Lazzaroni and was instrumental in determining the course of science in America. At least one of their members, the astronomer Benjamin Apthorp Gould (1824- 1896) (Figure 14) was personally acquainted with Charles Babbage. Babbage had explained his differ- ence machine to Gould in 1845, when the young Harvard graduate had made his first trip to Europe. In 1851, Babbage and Gould again discussed the advantages of mechanical computation. Other mem- bers of the group had corresponded with Babbage and sought his advice on the question of occulting lights in lighthouses. At the 1853 meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at which a leader of the group. Harvard mathematician Ben- jamin Peirce (1804-1881), presided, a resolution NUMBER 36 23 FIGURE 14.—Benjamin A. Gould. was adopted expressing "deep interest" in the com- pletion of Babbage's analytic engine, believing that its results would be of high value in the present condition of applied mathematics and astronomy, and that the practical difficulties to be surmounted in its construction would tend in this, as in Mr. Babbage's differ- ence engine, to the material advancement of the mechanic arts (AAAS, 1856: 143). A special 3-man committee, consisting of Peirce, Gould, and Alexander Dallas Bache (1806-1867), superintendent of the United States Coast Survey, was appointed to convey the sentiments of the associ- ation to Babbage. During the same period, the group of American Babbage supporters became involved in a new enter- prise at Albany, New York. Here a new observatory (Figure 15), incorporated in 1852, was being built with subscription funds donated by a group of Al- bany citizens, supported by contributors from New York City, Boston, Providence, and the surrounding upstate New York area. At the 1855 meeting of the AAAS, Bache suggested to one of the trustees of the observatory that a cooperative arrangement be estab- lished with the United States Coast Survey. Under the proposed arrangement, the observatory was to purchase a heliometer, which the Survey needed but was unable to purchase; in return for its use the Sur- vey was to furnish to the observatory a transit and a team of observers free of charge. This was agreed upon, and shortly thereafter, at the suggestion of Peirce, a scientific council was established for the observatory, consisting of Peirce, Bache, Gould, who was then in charge of longitude observations at the Coast Survey, and Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. At the end of September 1855, Gould went to Europe to purchase instruments for the Dudley Ob- servatory and the Coast Survey. Visiting the Paris Exposition, he met Babbage who showed him the Scheutz machine. He appears also to have met with Leverrier, recently appointed director of the Royal Observatory at Paris, for he subsequently referred to Leverrier's skepticism that a meridian circle could be built, completed, and delivered to America in time for the Dudley Observatory's inauguration in July 1856, something the Berlin instrument-maker Albrecht Martins (1816-1871) promised to do. It is unlikely, however, that Leverrier's opinion impressed the American scientists at the time, as they had been at odds with the French astronomer since the dispute over the discover)^ of the planet Neptune in the 1840s. Gould did not stay long in Paris, but pro- ceeded to Germany where he contracted for a number of astronomical instruments, and returned home before year's end. Shortly thereafter, the head of another American scientific enterprise expressed interest in the Scheutz machine. He was Charles H. Davis (1807-1877), superintendent of the American Nautical Almanac. Work on the American Ephemeris and Nautical Al- manac had been authorized in 1849. It was conducted in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where Benjamin Peirce, brother-in-law of Davis' wife, not only con- tributed to the formulation, computation, and solu- tion of pertinent problems, but gave advice which served "to regulate the theoretical department of the work, especially as to new methods of computa- tion" (U.S. Navy, 1856:479). In February 1856, following the appearance of the committee's report on the machine in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (1856a), Davis wrote to Stokes, asking him to transmit an inquiry concerning the machine to Scheutz. Noting that the machine as 24 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 15.—Dudley Observatory at Albany, New York, in the 1850s. described in the Royal Society's Proceedings was of great importance to the work of the Almanac Office, Davis requested drawings and further details of the machine, suggesting that perhaps someone should ex- amine it on behalf of his office to consider its use- fulness for aiding with the calculations of the ephemeris. Davis' letter was not transmitted to the Scheutzes until June, when Edvard was back in England. In the meantime, another letter had been received from America. It was from Benjamin Gould and it was addressed to Charles Babbage. Ejecting the Purchase Gould's letter, written on 28 April, was prompted by the visit in Europe of two Americans, traveling partly on behalf of the observatory at Albany (Lon- don, 1856, ms 37196:483^86). One, Charles Spencer (1813-1881), of lens-making fame, was charged with the construction of the heliometer for the observatory; the other, John E. Gavit (1817- 1874), an engraver interested in the production of postage stamps and bank notes, was to become a co-founder of the American Bank Note Company. In his letter, Gould, who had spent the intervening months since his return to the United States in the Mobile-New Orleans area on Coast, Survey business, introduced Spencer and Gavit to Babbage and asked that they be shown the Scheutz engine. His main purpose in writing was to elicit specific information from Babbage. Explaining that he had not had an opportunity to see the report published in the Royal Society's Proceedings, Gould asked about the capacity of the machine, the maximum number of differences that it could handle, the motive force required, the speed of operation, the form of the results—whether in matrices, in stereotype plates or printed on paper —and, in the first place, whether it was for sale and if so, for how much. These questions are in consequence of some consideration I have given the subject, with reference to its possible purchase or employment in the Dudley Observatory,—an idea which I have communicated to no one whomsoever, and which may not be feasible, although should further reflection lead in that direction, I should be inclined to use my best efforts to this end.—There are a great many auxiliary tables which it would compute admirably but I fear that its application otherwise would be restricted to the computation of approximate ephemerides, for newly dis- NUMBER 36 25 covered planets & comets,—with such subsidiary tables as might be required from time to time and which might be manually computed with not much greater trouble. If it were only an Analytical Engine!— Is there any way in which such an engine could be applied to the solution of equations of condition? I have been thinking too of the possibility of a machine which should receive in its hopper[?] the three observations (6 quantities) of a newly discovered heavenly body,—the three lines of observation & the six quantities which give the sun's right ascension & Distance,—making in all fifteen quantities;—and should give out the solution of an orbit by the Gaussian method, with excentricity (in character of the conic section).—I suppose the An. Engine might have been set to do this,—might it not?—Certainly the problem is not an impossible one,—for every operation is purely mechanical & may be represented geometrically. And the subsidiary quantities taken from the tables, may all be determined with absolute accuracy by a diff^e Engine.— You see the purport of my queries. It would be a source of legitimate & honorable pride to have first introduced this engine into practical usefulness.—But I fear much that its scope is not large enough to make its purchase a proper one to be strongly advocated at present. Will you please advise me? (Gould in London, 1856, ms 37196:483-486). When, on 28 May, Bryan Donkin asked Babbage for his opinion to answer Edvard Scheutz's request for advice on selling the machine, Babbage apprised him of the inquiry from America. Donkin in turn informed Scheutz that there was "a possibility of sell- ing the machine for about £ 1000 to go to a foreign country (London, 1856, ms 37197:43). Edvard Scheutz replied promptly "I accept the sum . . .," a formulation that concerned Babbage momentarily since no firm offer had been made. (London, 1856, ms 37197:42). However, word was passed to Gould. In due time, following the formal inauguration ceremonies for the observatory in August, sched- uled to coincide with the meeting of the AAAS tak- ing place in Albany that year, he alerted the trustees to the availability of the calculator. J. H. Armsby, medical man, secretary of the Board of Trustees and chief promoter of observatory affairs, was impressed by Gould's account of the calculating machine. After some consideration of which observa- tory supporter would be worthy of having his name attached to the purchase, Armsby and his friend, the banker Thomas W. Olcott, agreed that $5000 subscribed by John F. Rathbone of Albany should be diverted to this purchase. With Mr. Rathbone's consent, obtained early in November, this was done. On 7 November Gould expressed his pleasure to the trustees: In securing the calculating engine, I see the inauguration of a new era, for which the world will be indebted to Mr. Rathbone and the Dudley Observatory. The invention has long been made, and only the self-reliance was needed, which should induce an institution to adopt it, and put it into action. It is like the steamboat for navigation—the computer's locomotive (Albany, Dudley, Trustees, 1858: 30). Fearing competition once word of their interest got out, Armsby and Olcott urged Gould to obtain an option on the machine and to proceed speedily and discreetly with the purchase, through Babbage if possible, so as to keep their identity a secret until the sale was confirmed (Gould, 1859:220-222). Negotiations proceeded successfully, so that in De- cember 1856, Gould was able to send final instruc- tions for consummating the purchase to Edvard Scheutz in London. George Peabody and Company in London had been advised to pay Scheutz £1000 upon receipt of the bill of lading and a certificate from Scheutz and Donkin stating that the machine had been "securely and safely packed in good order." Gould had heard via Babbage that Scheutz was super- vising the production of a set of tables, noting that it was "but fitting that . . . the first fruits of the engine, should be raised under your supervision and culled by your own hand" (London, 1856, ms 37197: 136-137). He told of his own hopes for the machine, expressed his high regard for Scheutz, and closed with the request that any published remarks con- cerning the purchase should call attention to the fact that its use for the observatory at Albany had been made possible by "an enlightened and public spirited merchant of that city, John F. Rathbone, Esq., . . . who most cordially and readily embraced the suggestion and is one of those men whom it is a privilege to know and a joy to honor" (London, 1856, ms 37197:136-137). The Calculator at Work In the meantime the machine had returned to London. Edvard Scheutz had spent June and July of 1856 shuttling between Paris and London. By the end of July, Gravatt reported that the calculating machine was ensconced at his home, and that Edvard, delayed by illness, had just arrived. There followed another period of intense activity, during which Gravatt and Scheutz had the machine produce a variety of sample tables for publication, Donkin and Scheutz prepared for the construction of a second 26 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY machine, and all three men negotiated with appro- priate government officials, including Prince Albert, for the purchase of this second machine. Babbage advised all concerned on these projects, and arranged to have the specimen tables printed by the firm of Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans and Roberts. First proofs of the tables were ready before spring. They included the logarithms of the natural num- bers from 1 to 1000 to five decimal places, as well as selected samples of other tables, displaying values of fourth degree polynomials, life-assurance, ord- nance, and astronomical functions. At the end of January 1857, the machine was ex- hibited in the library of the Institution of Civil Engineers (1857a), where Babbage and Gravatt explained it to the members after a meeting of 27 January. They also displayed a portion of the loga- rithm table that it had produced, again stressing both the speed of its operation and the avoidance of errors. Other proofs of the tables to be printed were ready before spring. Gravatt supplied an explanation of the operation and setting up of the machine, which was prefixed to the tables (Appendix II). An anony- mous historical introduction, based on information supplied by the chief participants and by correspon- dents of Babbage, appears to have been compiled by Babbage. Despite some errors and inaccuracies it became the main source of information about the history of the machine. The entire publication was dedicated to Babbage "by his sincere admirers, Georg and Edward [sic] Scheutz." Copies of the work were autographed by Edvard Scheutz and distributed internationally, a fact that caused the publication to be attributed to the Scheutzes (Figure 16a,&). While the publication of the Specimens was being completed, the machine itself traveled to America. It arrived in Albany in April 1857. Gould who was still residing in Cambridge, Massachusetts, made it the subject of an address at the next monthly meeting of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, not failing to link it with Babbage's work. However, the machine was not unpacked until the following winter, when Gould established residence in Albany. The delay was caused by Gould's unwillingness to start active operation of the observatory until he had means at his disposal "to assure continuity, reduction and publication" of observations. In January 1858, at the instigation of Bache, the Board of Trustees put him in charge of the observatory. By that time, Gould had yielded to local pressure, and resigned himself to the fact that he and his assistants would continue to earn their bread by longitude deter- minations for the Coast Survey while starting the observatory on their own time (Gould, 1858c: 54). Gould apparently hoped that the machine could be used to produce some revenue for the observatory, for in March he requested permission from the Board of Trustees to set aside income derived from the use of the machine for increasing the amount of allow- able incidental expenses, such as fuel, lighting, sta- tionery, and furniture. Gould's technical assistant reported to the Scientific Council that the machine could be maintained for approximately $28 per annum, and that even in case of a repair the yearly expenditure should be under $120. Two objectionable features of the machine's opera- tion soon became apparent. One was the introduc- tion from time to time of a computational error, presumably caused by the malfunctioning of one of the traps. While corrections could easily be made when an error was discovered, there appeared to be no way of eliminating the malfunction. The other drawback was an occasional error in the printing part of the mechanism, which Gould hoped to elimi- nate (Albany, Dudley, Scientific, 1858:74). Never- theless, Gould derived the necessary formulas for setting up the machine and turned over the subse- quent preliminary computations and operation of the machine to one of his assistants. It appears that, once started, work with the ma- chine proceeded fairly rapidly. Gould requested and received an appropriation of $200 from the Board of Trustees for putting the machine in order. As it turned out, however, he chose not to use this money, finding that he could place the machine in operation with minor work at minimum expense. In a report made the following year, Gould noted that no spe- cific instructions had come with the machine, the only explanation consisting of a set of drawings and a letter of Edvard Scheutz, explaining the procedure of converting the machine from operation in one number system to another. After a thorough cleaning of the machine and some test runs, the machine was put to work (Gould, 1859:141-142) : The strictly algebraic problems for feeding the machine made quite as heavy demands upon time, and thought, and perseverance, as did the problem of regulating its mechani- cal action; but all was soon in operation, and by the aid of my zealous and enthusiastic assistants, Messrs. Batchelder and Searle, the True Anomaly of Mars was computed and stereotyped for intervals of a tenth of a day throughout NUMBER 36 27 TO CHARLES BABBAGE, ESQ., F.R.S., &c. &c. &c., THESE PAGES ARE DEDICATED, BY HIS SINCERE ADMIRERS, (IKORGE AND EDWARD SCHEUTZ. <<^^^^>'^y^ .^^< /i^^.^55V> t.^>:y-Z-^--^^i''*!^<.18S4. Oct 17. 2^? 2210. GAK.SCHEUTZ'S PoonsiOKAL HvzcigiCAiv:^. FIO.I. SnEETJ. (2 SHEETS) The KUtt Jnurmy \apartfy-cdcrei/. Dn«ii (fl Stou'b^UBlli^ k Suns. FIGURE 28.-—Provisional patent specifications of Scheutz calculator, end elevation. 43 44 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 29.—Provisional patent specifications of Scheutz calculator: a, top plan; b, side elevation. ary; whilst the calculating Wheels A^^, which repre- sent the tabular numbers, or, in other words, which represent the zero differences, are at rest. The figures thereon which express a given tabular term are re- produced by type wheels B, actuated by racks C and toothed cams D. The type wheels are adjusted to print straight by means of a suitable ruler E, working on a fixed centre F. The adjusted type wheels impress the tabular terms in lead, or any other material suitable as a matrix for stereotypes, placed on the table G, which is pushed up to give the impression. The mechanical means by which the herein-before described motions are performed may be made in various ways, some of which, viz., those for the print- ing, for thrusting in the rule and for removing the printed lines, contain nothing new or unknown; whereas others are either entirely new, or are new combinations, and of which the following are to be named: —Every one of the calculating wheels repre- senting the tabular numbers which are to be printed is combined with a toothed volute cam or Snail H, on which bears a spiral toothed cam, or the portion of a toothed cylinder D. The second spiral toothed cam or portion of cylinder is fixed on an horizontal axle I, which, by suitable gearings and the rack C, is combined with the type wheel B, and in such a manner transmits the movements of the calculating wheel to the type wheel. Each calculating wheel is provided with as many teeth J as there are figures in the numerical system which the wheel is made to represent; consequently it contains six teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 in the sixial system, ten teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 in the decimal system, twelve teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, . . . . 11 in the duodecimal system, and in the like manner for any other system. Each calculating wheel, excepting the wheels A^^, which represent the tabular numbers, is, moreover, provided with a catch K, working on a trap L, which turns together with a vertical axle M, on which it is fixed, and the NUMBER 36 45 calculating wheel can thereby set the trap to work. When the trap is working, it catches one of the teeth J of the calculating wheel, which is placed in the next row immediately above, and represents any of the figures corresponding to the same vertical column, as in ordinary numerical expressions, that the wheel ex- presses, thus setting the trap to work; that is to say, that any wheel that represents units, and can set a trap to work, can also by means of that trap turn an- other wheel which represents units; that any wheel which represents tens, and can get a trap to work, can also by means of that trap turn another wheel which represents tens; that any wheel which repre- sents hundreds, and can get a trap to work, can also by means of that trap turn another wheel which represents hundreds; that any wheel which represents thousands, and can get a trap to work, can also by means of that trap turn another wheel which repre- sents thousands; and so on, according to the extent of the numbers which the machine is required to calculate. The vertical axles are turned by means of the pinions (u), which are simultaneously acted on by the rack (/), which is put in motion by the pinion (r), which is driven by the toothed segment (r^), which is moved in alternate directions by means of the mangle wheel {l^), which is turned by any con- venient means. When any of the calculating wheels turns to or beyond the tooth which corresponds to its zero, it works on a lever between that wheel and the next wheel in the same row, in such a manner that the latter wheel may be carried forward a single step, corresponding to a single unit. By these means the figures representing 6, 10, or 12, &c., according to the numerical system in use, may be carried, the number of teeth corresponding always to the number of figures in each calculating wheel. In the operation of carrying, the calculating wheels are brought into action by arms or levers, affixed to each of the two traversing upright arms N, which are driven by a chain O and chain pulley P. In Figures 2 and 3 [Figure 29 a,b'\ the several calculating wheels and mechanism connected therewith is not repeated, in order to avoid complication in the Drawings, .... Final Specifications (filed 17 April 1855) The Invention consists of three distinct but co- operating apparatus, viz:—1. A calculating appara- tus. 2. A printing apparatus. 3. A numerator. 1. THE CALCULATING APPARATUS. The principal parts of the calculating apparatus are the calculating wheels D, d. Each calculating wheel is provided with as many teeth J, J, as there are figures in the numerating system which the wheel is made to use in calculating; consequently it con- tains six teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, & 5 in the sexial system, ten teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, & 9 in the decimal system, and would con- tain twelve teeth for figures representing 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, & 11 in the duodecimal system, if reckoning by means of that system should come in question. The calculating wheels are, moreover, marked with the figures for which they contain teeth. The calculating wheels have a wide central open- ing, no axles touching them anywhere. Nevertheless they are centrally moveable, each wheel being inclosed in a ring, or in portions of a ring, or in any other bearings which are concentric to the wheels, and fixed on shelves, which form a part of the frame. In these rings or portions of rings or bearings the calculating wheels are moveable backwards and for- wards by the hand, and can be set in every circum- ferential position, or with any of their figures pointing directly to the front or to the back of the frame. The calculating wheels are arranged in rows in such a manner that the ends or butts of the teeth of all the wheels which, during the movements of the machine represent terms in a series of the same order, lie in the same horizontal planes, consequently in the same order as the figures, which in writing or print express a number. When the machine is working, all the calculating wheels which represent even differences turn in one direction, and the calculating wheels which represent odd differences are stationary, and vice versa. When the calculating wheels which represent odd differ- ences are in motion, they turn in an opposite direction to the former, while all the wheels representing even differences are then at rest or stationary. Thus every other row of wheels is alternately in motion and at rest, and when they are in motion they alternately turn in opposite directions. Each calculating wheel, excepting the wheels in the uppermost row, which represent the tabular num- bers, is provided with a catch K, working on a trap L. All the traps turn simultaneously with a vertical spindle M, revolving within the calculating wheels without touching them, and on which spindles the traps are fixed. A part p of the catch K touches a 46 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIG. I FIGURE 30.—Final patent specifications, end elevation. descending arm of the trap as the arm passes the catch, and when the movements go in the one direc- tion, the descending arm of the trap depresses the said part p of the catch, and passes it without further effect; but when the trap moves in the opposite direction, the catch in touching the arm of the trap causes the trap to rise and rest on a stud Li. The catch K is free to work or cause the erection of the trap whenever the calculating wheel during the movement of the trap represents a valid figure, or 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, or 9; but when the wheel repre- sents zero, the catch is pressed down by an arm n2, fixed on the frame, and in that position the catch cannot reach the trap or work upon it. When a trap is raised, the small pin of it inserts itself in the space above it, existing between two teeth J, J, of the calculating wheel, catches the tooth which / a Jl^ggQ. ^^MSiiiiUS&^ai-^^^M^ A ipi^zGL^ ■ ' —^-^ ' I—^ .C\:\. ^■•l^'l-ii^i^-Udy^U-^l^ i«Hls:S::fflfflffl ■-..-._-'' .y FIGURE 31.—Final patent specifications: a, top plan; b, side elevation. NUMBER 36 47 it reaches in its revolution, and turns the wheel, but releases it when the revolution ceases, at which moment all raised traps are at once restored to their former inactive position. The simultaneous release of the catched [sic] and turned calculating wheels, as well as the cause thereof, viz., simultaneous res- toration of the traps from activity to inactivity, is effected by means of the inclined planes L2, over which the one arm of the trap studs Li passes, and which inclined planes thereby lift the stud arms, and let each trap free to fall down in the angle between the stud and its arm, in which position the traps do not reach any tooth of the calculating wheels above them. To insure the fall of the traps, two springs, B, B, are placed beside the rack C, each of which resists the rack when it completes its motion forwards or backwards, and causes it to move the traps a little backwards, so as to come out of contact with the teeth of the calculating wheels. The rotation of the vertical spindles M, M, together with their traps, is effected by the said rack C, The rack is put in motion by a pinion r, which is driven by a toothed segment ri, which is pushed in alternate directions by means of a mangle wheel /, The mangle wheel I is driven by a spur pinion /i, fixed on an axle bearing another spur pinion m, which rotates between two parallel arms m-^, in which arms are holes for the common axle of the pinions li and n [m]. These arms m-i are moveable around the axle n of a spur wheel ni which is in gear with the pinion m, to which it trans- fers the movement from any moving power. Each calculating wheel, excepting those in the last column to the left and those in the lowest row, is provided with a single cog or tooth q, besides the teeth for the figures; that cog or tooth q is so placed that it can actuate the one arm j of a horizontal lever s, t, turning on a pin fixed on the shelf beside the wheel, and push it aside whenever a zero is ex- pressed by the wheel. The other arm t of the lever s, t, reaches over part of the shelf to the left on the former shelf, and bears two inclined planes, a verti- cally inchned plane t^ [sic] and a horizontally in- clined plane u. When the lever arm s is pushed aside by the cog q, the lever arm t brings the vertically inclined plane ^i nearer to the edge of the shelf, and in that position the horizontally inclined plane u leans out over the said edge. Before and behind the pillars of the frame which bears the calculating wheels are guides or grooves v, parallel to each other and to the rows of calculating wheels; and in these guides or grooves slide glands x, connected with pillars xi, which move backwards and forwards, one pillar before and one pillar behind the rows of calculating wheels. The backward and for- ward motion of the pillars is effected by a toothed chain, the ends of which are fixed on the glands. On the same glands, but at their opposite sides, a rope or common chain is fixed, going around a guide pulley, which is fixed on the frame, and holds the toothed chain stretched. The toothed chain gears with a spur pinion I2, connected with a bevel pinion I3, which is driven by a bevel wheel connected to, and rotating backwards and forwards with, the mangle wheel /. For each odd row of calculating wheels the one of the pillars Xi bears a latch yi & y^, and for each even row the other of the pillars Xi bears a latch y & 3/2, the lowest wheel row excepted. These latches can be lifted vertically at pleasure, each latch turning on axles or pins, fixed on the pillar, and leaning when at rest on supports, also fixed on the pillar. The free end of each latch bears a friction roller z, so placed that it meets any of the vertically inclined planes ^i during the passage of the pillar forwards to the left, if any such plane is pushed out nearer to the edge of its shelf. In that case the friction roller z rolls over the plane fj thereby lifting the latch from its resting position, but allowing it to resume the resting position when the plane is passed over. Be- neath the roller z the latch bears also a tooth z,, which passes under the teeth of the calculating wheels without touching them when the latch retains its resting position. But the tooth Zi catches a tooth of the wheel behind the inclined plane t\, and causes the wheel to advance a single step, corresponding to an unity, whenever the latch is lifted, by its roller passing over the inclined plane. The pillars xi bear also horizontally inclined planes Ui, which actuate the horizontally inclined planes u on the levers s, t, and thereby push the arms t inwards on the shelves, thus restoring the horizontal levers s, t, to their for- mer position, in which they are ready for a new similar movement. When all the figures of a tabular term which are used in calculating it are not to be expressed in print, and when the last figure retained for print is as usual to undergo corrections, the corrections will be performed if the zero cog q of the calculating wheel next to the right of the wheel which expresses the last figures subjected to corrections is removed 48 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY from its usual circumferential place to another, so chosen that the arms of its lever s, t, are not touched by the cog q when the wheel bearing the latter ex- hibits zero, but when it exhibits five. The removing of the cog is done by hand when the calculating apparatus is set to calculate tabular terms containing such corrections, and afterwards it works continuously for all the terms which require corrections. When no corrections are intended, the cog is left in its usual place. In order that the latches y may also work wheels for the sexial system, such wheels being inserted be- tween decimal wheels (as for reducing sexagesimal quantities), the teeth of the sexial wheels are made longer than the teeth of the decimal wheels, and a prolongation under the tooth Zi is adapted to reach the teeth of the sexial wheels, and carry them for- wards a single step, when the friction roller z passes over the inclined plane ti before a sexial wheel. In effecting a faster movement of the machine (in which case the momentum of the calculating wheels should be moderated, as they must not be per- mitted to exceed their point of release), small clicks b with inclined planes falling into the clearence [sic] between two teeth may be applied, and forced into the clearences by springs. FIGURE 32.—Final patent specifications, catch mechanism: a, top plan; b, side elevation. 2. THE PRINTING APPARATUS. Each calculating wheel representing figures for print is combined with a toothed volute cam or snail H, on which leans a similar snail or portion of a toothed screw thread A. The second snail or portion of toothed screw thread A, fixed on the horizontal axle I. On the axle I is also fixed a pulley Ii, bearing a weight lo; and on the same axle is moreover fixed a toothed sector I3, gearing with a rack Ci. The toothed volute cam or snail H can be con- sidered as a composition of sectors 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, &c., one sector for every figure of the calculating wheel to which the snail belongs; and each sector regularly differing from its neighbour by an equal part of the radius, in such order that the greatest sector 0 corresponds with the zero on the wheel; the next in size 1, with the [numeral] 1 on the wheel; the next in size 2, with the [numeral] 2 on the wheel; and so on to 9, (or to 5, if the wheel is adapted to the sexial system.) The second volute cam or portion of toothed screw thread A is so placed that its teeth or steps concide with the respective sectors of the first volute cam or snail H. The weights T2 [==12] on the pulleys T [ = 12], working on the horizontal axles I, tend to lower the steps of the second snails or toothed screw thread A down to the various sectors of the horizontal snails, in such order that if a step o leans on a sector O, and the calculating wheel turns from 0 to 9, (or to 5, if a sexial wheel,) the second snail or toothed screw thread A in question will sink suc- cessively, step after step, from 0 to 9 (or to 5), The toothed sectors T3 [=h], which are fixed on the horizontal axles I, and gearing with the racks Ci, propel these racks more or less in their gearing direction, according to the greater or lesser sinking of the toothed screw thread A and of the weights Tj. The racks Ci are in gear with spur wheels E, which, together with corresponding spur wheels F, are fixed on opposite ends of tubes /, thrusted one over the other, in the same manner as the tubes of NUMBER 36 49 ,ff?Mi,i, 9 '^■^^r^# l||[i[) m UiJiF' FIGURE 33.—Final patent specifications, carry mechanism: a, shelf surrounding number wheel, top plan; b, side elevation. a telescope. Each wheel F gears with a type wheel G, provided with eleven teeth, the ten teeth bearing types for the [numerals] 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, & 9; but the eleventh is used where no impressions but only blanks are to appear in the print, or for inter- spersing types of signs or lines between the types of figures, in order to be reproduced in print simul- taneously with the figures themselves. Underneath the type wheels is a printing table S, moveable up and down or to and from the type wheels. On the table S glides a slide Si, on which paper or a plate can be fixed to receive impressions from the types. The table S rests on a frame, provided with a friction roller S2 and this friction roller rests on an eccentric S3. When rotating, the eccentric S3 lifts and lowers alternately the friction roller Sz, the table S, the slide Si and the paper or plate, during the lifting movement, pressing the paper or plate against the types. The toothed sectors T3, the rack Ci, and the wheels E, F, and G, are geared together in such an order that the figures, which by the calculating ap- paratus are exhibited for print, are also pointed down by the type wheels directly towards the paper or plate. When a tabular term consists of decimals beginning with one or more zeros, the printing ap- paratus repeats as usual these zeros on the paper or plate; but when tabular terms, not being decimals, increase successively in a table, the valid figures (as 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, & 9,) ought not to be preceded by any zero. To obviate the appearance of zeros in the latter case, the type wheels are provided with the eleventh tooth, on which no type exists, and which, when pointed down towards the paper or plate, leaves no impression, but a blank. To effect the pointing down of the eleventh tooth in such cases, a bolt Oi, inserted in the zero sector 0 of the snail H is pushed out by hand, and caught by a pin, which descends from the frame above, on which the pin is fixed; and when the zero sector is thus lengthened (or rather provided also with an eleventh tooth, though but provisionally), the lowest edge of the second snail or toothed screw thread A reaches the bolt Oi and rests on it, preventing thereby the zero step o from sinking down and resting on the zero sector 0, con- sequently preventing also the zero type of the re- spective type wheels G from pointing down towards the paper or plate, but presenting in its place the blank tooth; but when the snail moves, its bolt Oi leaves the pin and is pushed in by a spring. When a tabu- lar term is impressed on the paper or ])late, and the printing table S is left free to sink down by the subse- quent rotation of the excentric S3, the sledge Si is trust [sic] along the table S by means of a ratchet. By the ratched movement the paper or plate is removed from the place on which it lay when receiving the last line of numbers, and brought to another place, in which it presents a blank ready to receive a new line, and so on, line after line. 3. THE NUMERATOR. The numerator, the object of which is to count, and to present for printing the indices of other tabu- lar terms, is, properly speaking, no integral part of a calculating machine, the calculating apparatus being itself also capable of counting and presenting for print the indices. The present machine is, however, provided with a numerator Q, by means of which the whole of the calculating apparatus may be reserved ex- clusively for such tabular terms which increase by more than unities. The numerator is put in motion by an arm g, fixed on the same axle with another arm ^1, bearing a fork, and in it a friction roller gz- The friction roller 50 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY rtc. io. FIGURE 34.—Final patent specifications: a, snail, top plan; b, snail, side elevation; c, trap mechanism, top plan; d, trap mechani.sm, side elevation. into a straight line, thereby securing the straightness of the printed lines. During the revolution of the two last-named excentrics Ri, the rule R receeds from the type wheels, leaving them free to change their position for a new line. Two springs push the rule from the type wheels, when the position of the excentrics Ri allows that movement to take place. The axle T bears all the excentrics fixed on it, and is brought into a permanent revolving motion by a bevel wheel Ti in gearing with a bevel-pinion T2, which is fixed on the axle n, this axle bearing also fixed on it the spur wheel ni, between the two arms mi. By the respective positions of the excentrics, and by their relative excentricity, as well as by the respective proportions of the wheels relative to their pinions, the machine is brought to effect its various movements at fixed times; no movements presenting any hindrance to other simultaneous movements, nor any parts which can work simultaneously being per- mitted to rest when other parts of the same category are in motion. Hence these proportions ought to be different for machines of various sizes, that is to say, according to the greater or smaller number of cal- culating wheels, by means of which they are in- tended to execute their work. The impressions from the types can be taken on paper, and also on lead, or any other metal or material proper as matrices for stereotypes or electrotypes. The mechanical means by which the herein-before described motions are performed may be made in various ways, some of which, viz., those for printing, for thrusting the rule, and for removing the printed lines, contain nothing new or unknown; whereas g2 works on the ends of the racks Ci, and is forced against them by weights ^3, suflficiently heavy to lift, by means of the rack Ci the toothed screw threads, as well as the weight T2 and also to turn the wheels E, F, and G. The weights ^3 and T2 are so arranged that the small weights push these combined parts in the one direction, and the great weights push them in the opposite direction, the alternate movements being determined by an excentric g^, which works on the arm ^-5. The rule R is, by the working of two uniform excentrics Rj, brought into an alternating movement to and from the type wheels, and to insert itself in the clearing between two rows of teeth of all the type wheels G; it brings thus all the printing types FIC. 14. UJ FIGURE 35.—Final patent specifications, latch mechanism. NUMBER 36 51 others are either entirely new, or are new combina- tions, and of which the following are named as the chief objects of the Patent. What we claim as our In- vention is— 1°, calculating wheels so constructed that no axle touches or bears against them, but rotating in rings or in portions of rings, or between circumferential bearings of any form fixed on the frame, the wheel being centrally open for the free and untouching passage and revolution of the axles for the adding contrivance. 2°, the arrangement of the calculating wheels in rows, each row in a separate plane, and each plane containing the wheels for figures which belong to terms of the same difference. 3°, the arrangement of the calculating wheels in columns perpendicular to the same planes, and each column containing the wheels for figures which be- long to terms of various differences. 4°, the use of sexial wheels, as above described, for reducing sexagesimal quantities, as seconds to minutes, and minutes to degrees or hours, and vice versa. 5°, the adding contrivance, consisting principally of the catches K, the traps L, the studs Li, the in- clined planes L,, and springs B. B. 6°, the carrying contrivance, consisting principally of the cogs or teeth q, the levers s, t, the inclined planes ii, u, and Ui, the friction rollers z and the teeth zi. 7°, the term transporting or compositing con- trivance, consisting principally of the snails H, the second snails or toothed screw threads A, revolving at right angles to the other snails H, and of the com- bination between the second snails or toothed screw threads A and the type wheels. 8°, the mode of effecting corrections of the last figures of tabular terms when required. 9°, the combination of the whole machine as above specified, and in the annexed Drawings delineated. In witness whereof, we the said George Scheutz and Edward Scheutz, have hereunto set our hands and seals, this Ninth day of March, One thousand eight hundred and fifty-five. Appendix II GRAVATT ON THE OPERATION OF THE CALCULATOR (Extract from the Specimen Tables Calculated and Stereomoulded by The Swedish Calculating Machine) The following is an abstract kindly furnished by Mr. Gravatt of his own manner of considering and of working this machine. If u be any function of x, and we set in the machine its initial value UQ and the finite differences A^w-i A-M-i \^u-2 A"'u-n in the order shown in the left-hand column below: — UQ Ml U2 "3 . . &c. A^u-i A^uo A^ui ^^U2 . &c. A^u-i A^uo A^ui A^u, . &c. A^u-, A3u-i A^uo A^ui . &c. A%-2 A^u-i A^uo A%i . &c. Then in the first half-stroke the machine will simul- taneously add the even differences to the odd differ- ences immediately above them, giving the new odd differences A^u-i and A^UQ. At the next half-stroke it will add these new odd differences to the old even differences, thereby forming A^UQ and Ui and the machine will appear arranged as shown in the sec- ond column. In like manner will be formed the third, fourth, &c., columns, and if A*u-2=A''u-i= A'^Uo^&c., that is if the fourth difference is constant, the machine will go on calculating the successive values of u as long as we please to turn the handle. We see, therefore, that this machine is at least cap- able of tabulating any function of x in which the fourth difference is constant. As an example, let us take UQ^^I A^u-i^l ^^u-T_=.2 A^u-2=0 A'*z/-^ = 0; the machine when set would appear as in the left-hand column below, where the third and fourth differences being zero, are, for the sake of simplicity, omitted. 1 4 9 16 25 36 . . . &c 1 3 5 7 9 11 . , . &c. 2 2 2 2 2 2 . , . . &c.Here at the first half-stroke 2 is added to 1 giving 3, and at the second half-stroke this 3 is added to 1 giving 4. Again, 2 is added to 3 giving 5, and this 5 is added to 4 giving 9, and so on; the machine as thus set producing the squares of the natural num- bers for ever. Again, if we set the machine to the number shown in the left-hand column below. 1 16 81 1 15 65 175 14 50 110 12 36 60 84 24 24 24 24 will be added to 12 and simultaneously 14 to 1, giving respectively 36 and 15, and then 36 will be added to 14 and simultaneously 15 to 1, giving re- spectively 50 and 16, and so on; the machine a.T thus set producing the squares of the squares, or thr. fourth powers of the natural numbers as long as wr please to turn the handle. -1 -12 In the last example the machine is supposed to be stopped at a half-stroke, with only the odd differ- ences 84 and 175 in the fourth column. Now, if we re-set the machine (changing the sign of these odd differences) as shown in the left-hand column below. 81 16 1 -175 -65 -15 110 50 14 -84 -60 -36 24 24 24 we shall have 24 + — 84 = — 60, and simultaneously 110 + -175 = -65 for the first half stroke, and -60 -{- 110 = 50, and simultaneously — 65 -f 81 = 16 for the second half-stroke, and so on. That is, if 52 NUMBER 36 53 we in this way change the signs of the odd differences, the machine will, so to speak, go backwards, and that as long as we please to turn the handle.* A negative number is expressed in the machine by its complement; thus, if to 56789, we wish to add, say minus 67 (that is, in fact, to subtract 67), we set the machine to add 99933 to 56789, thus: — 56789 56789 less 67 added to 99933 gives 56722 gives 156722 but as in the machine there is purposely no figure- wheel to receive the left-hand 1, it is thrown (so to speak) into the air, and the machine shows and stereomoulds 56722 as it ought to do. This particular machine is capable of expressing u and its differences as far as the fourth order, to fif- teen places of figures; but we may have to deal with differences of more than fifteen places, although we only require four, five, six, seven, or at most eight places of figures, to be printed as the tabular value of u. Now if the machine be worked, so as to give very many values of u, it is evident that the omission of the 16th, &c., places of figures might begin to tell in the tabulated result. To avoid this, it is necessary to know how many values of u we may obtain without an error, in the lowest figure of the printed result. 1st 0 5th 15A 4th 5A n+1 . A For this purpose, if we, considering what has gone before, imagine the machine set, as shown in the first column below, putting in only one value A, and that in the fourth order of differences. 2d 3d lA n 3"" n 3~ 0 0 lA 4A lOA 0 lA 3A 6A lOA lA A 2A A 3A A nth Terms n-2 n-1 1 2 n-2 n-1 1 2 n-1 n 1 2 n-1 A 4A A we should, in the manner in which the machine com- bines the differences (that is, always in simultan- eously formed couples), obtain the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and nth columns, the coefficients of A being necessarily and obviously figurate numbers of the various orders (in this case up to the 5th order) but with the 2nd and 3rd figurate numbers set forward one term, and the 4th and 5th figurate numbers set forward two terms—the law for any machine taking in any order of differences being evident. We im- mediately see that if we were to set in such a machine A° A^ A2 A-"* A*, putting Pn for the n*" printed number we shall get n— 1 n— 1 ri n—2n—ln n—2n—Inn+l ., J _ A3-1 ^ ^1 23^1 234 Whence we see that if the error from leaving out the 16th, &c., figures, be a in the first difference, and /3, y, 8, respectively, in the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th differ- ences (putting e the error in Pn), we should have e always less than + ^-s- na + ^r—/3 -f Now as we may always set the machine to "o± ^"''^^ instead of UQ, (thereby halving the effect of any error) we may, even when working with all the four differences, put practically n' If m be the number of places required in the table, it is usual not to allow a greater error than ±5 in the m -f 1'" place. Now, the greatest value 8 can have is (less than) 5 X IQ-^", whence we readily see that we may put n* = 48 X lO^^-"". So that if, for instance, we required the machine to print 8 places correctly, we have n* = 48 X 10^ = 480 000 000 or n = 148 for the number of values of u that we can print in each direction. If we wish to print only 7 places correctly, we have n* = 48 X 10' or n = 263. If we wish to print only 5 places correctly, we have n' = 48 X 10^" or n = 832, so that in this case we may print about 800 terms for each forward and for each backward working of the machine, or to- gether about 1600 terms. • In this way we can always make the machine itself show us the differences with which it was set. * Instead of we really use 48 2n 48 n" + 2n 54 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Now, if N — 1 be the number of terms to be in- terpolated between UQ and w±i, w±i, and M^J) ^^■'' ~^ 30~ The following method of finding proper differences with which to set the machine (founded on the 5th lemma of the 3rd book of the Principia) is general, and extremely easy in practice. Let Wx = "o + ^^ _|_ bx^ -\- cx^ + dx* now putting x successively = 0-1 and - 2 we get = un - 2a + 4fe - 8c 4- 16c; U-2 1st Differences, a - 3fe-f 7c - 15^ a — b -\- c — d a+ &-I- c-f d a-|-36 + 7c + 15rf 4th Difference. 24^ "o — "o Ui=Uo+a-{-b+c-\- d «2 = uo + 2a -f 46 -f 8c -f 16c? 2nd Differences. 3rd Differences. 6c - \2d 6c + 12^ -A*u-o c = 2& - 6c + 14rf 2b + 2d ■\^u-2-\-2d 1 1 1 2fe-f 6c-f 14^ 24--- -- 6 A^M-i — d and a =r A'u- + Whence d =: — 1 A^u-i - c. brr Now u (the function of x, we may have to con- sider), may not have the 4^", nor indeed any order of differences constant, and to see the consequences of this let us compare (as in most cases will be amply suflScient) the value of the u.,- derived from four orders of differences (which I write %.) with the value of u^ derived from six orders of differences (which I write '^u.r). In the equation Ux = Uo -\- a x^ -\rb x -\- c x -\- dx* -\- ex^ + f x", putting x successively 0 + 1, ±2,-3, in the manner before shown, we get 1 -^^u-, 720 1 /=- 1 e = A^U-3 -A«u-c 240 1 120 •A5U-3 + 1 d = 2T^'"-^~l44 A^u-s c =-g-A3"-2+-12-^'"- - 2r ^ " 1 1 b = -A^u-i- 24 -A*u-2 -\- a = A^u-i + 1 1 1 1 -^-A^u-, - -g-A3u-2 - 60 -A°u-, 8 = /3 = putting := X we get immediately N A'^u-ajr = 24afA;* ^^u-2x = 6{cx^ - 2dx') ^^u-^ = 2{bx^ + dx') A^u-1 := ax — bx^ + cx^ — dx^ With which differences we can set the machine and tabulate forwards from UQ through Ui to «2j and by changing the sign of the odd differences in the man- ner before shown, we can tabulate backwards from u-o through U-: to u-2, and this without knowing even the form of the function we are tabulating, it being sufficient that we have five values taken at equal intervals.* A*u- Now suppose we put UQ -]- ax -\- bx^ + CAT + dx* -f ex^^ + fx"" = Mo + ax + ^x^ + 7^^ + ^^* rigidly only when A; = 0 ± 1 and ± 2, but within a certain degree of approximation only when x has any other values; we get directly ^'u-2 + 12 24 A^M-5 V = -A*M- 24 -A"u-i — 1 12 A^M- a = A^U-i -f ^A2M-2 - -5-^'"-= - -A«u-3x" 720 Whence ^u* — *MX = * The way I use the above formula in practice, is to begin, at the right-hand side of properly ruled paper, with the 4th differences, performing the calculations line by line in the order shown in the example given in page 8. In order to enable us to work always forwards from u-i through Uo to Uj (which may sometimes be convenient) I have arranged a formula and given under it an example in page 9 . . . + (^^^"-+-2¥0-^^"-0 - -—-^^u-,x' 144 ) ^3 48 ■A°i NUMBER 36 1 180 -A«M-3 A:2 V 30 + '-30^^"-+^^^"- 1 - 15;C3 + 4;C2 4-12A;1' -i—^-^^'u-^]x' - 5x' + ^x} Now if we attend to the spirit of Newton's lemma, we see that the errors arising from the use of four differences, when we ought to use six differences, must I 3 be nearly maximums when x =: ± —jr- ± -- , and putting in our equation these values of x, we have rigidly A«M-3 A«M-3 A«M-3 A«M-3 3 7 "-l/2~ W-l/2 = 256 7 256" 7 "256" "3/2 W3/2 — "-3/2 W_3/2 = S/2 —""1/2 = A^W-j 4- 256 1024 A5M-3 - 5 1024 A5M-3 - 21 1024 A5„ - _L - 7 1024 Or, in practice, the maximum half error may be taken as .001 (6 ^'u-^^3V2. A«M-3) between MQ and M_J .001 ( — 6 A^M-3 -21/^. A^M-3) between MQ and MI .001 (-14 A=M-3 -101/2. A«M-3) between u and M^ .001 (14 A^u-3-\-3V2. A«M-3) between M-I and M-2 and these errors will of course be kept out of our 55 tables; that is, we shall use one place of figures less than that which would be affected. As an easy (and certainly a very favourable) ex- ample of the power of the machine, let us with it calculate a table of the Logarithms of the natural numbers up to 10,000, to five places of decimals. We must first actually calculate by any of the known methods the logarithms of 2, 3, 7, 11, 17, and 19, to seven places of decimals, from which we shall immedi- ately obtain the logarithms of 10 20 40 80 11 22 44 84 12 24 48 88 13 26 52 92 14 28 56 96 15 30 60 100 16 32 64 17 34 68 18 36 72 19 38 76 To which, applying the formulae just given, we, by ten easy calculations, and by ten forward and ten backward settings of the machine, shall obtain a stereomoulded table up to 10,000. The time occupied by the machine at its ordinary rate of working (namely, 120 numbers per hour), would be seventy-five hours; the ten plus and minus (say twenty) settings would not take up quite two hours; the calculations by the fomulae given of the proper differences to be set in the machine, could not cause a delay of two hours, the time taken (ex- clusive of the preliminary calculation of the loga- rithms of 2, 3, 7, 11, 17, and 19) being altogether about seventy-nine, or say eighty hours. Appendix HI DISCUSSION AT THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, PARIS (reported in Cosmos 13, 1858; translated by the author) Mr. Babinet, in the name of the Messrs. Scheutz, father and son, made a gift of a small volume of immense compass, which has for its title: Specimens of various Tables, calculated, stereotyped and printed by means of the celebrated machine for calculating differences. These specimens of tables, 15 in number, give the logarithms of numbers from 1 to 10,000, with five decimals; the successive values which two fourth order polynomials in x take when by and by one sets x equal to 1, 2, 30, 50, etc.; the logarithms of two series of numbers and of trigonometric lines to seven decimals; the arcs in degrees, minutes, sec- onds and tens of seconds which correspond to given natural sines; the ranges of shot for various powder charges; the logarithms of male life in London; the heliocentric coordinates of Venus, the Earth, Mars, and the logarithms of radius vectors of these stars at noon, for the months of January, February, March, and April 1858. These are only very J'eeble samples of all that one can ask of this admirable instrument, the appearance of which on our European continents Cosmos was the first to signalize. [Babinet next gave a brief description of the history and status of the machine, based on the introduction in the Specimens, 1857.] After the presentation of Mr. Babinet, Mr. Lever- rier asked for the floor, believing he must make some critical observations. He saw, studied and discussed the machine in 1855; it had been deposited at the Imperial Observatory, and the learned director had been asked whether it presented enough interest and utility that the French government should acquire it. Mr. Leverrier reserved for himself the judgment of the calculating mechanism, and asked Mr. Bailleul to judge the printing mechanism; both recognized that the invention was extremely ingenious, that it functioned regularly, but that, in practice, it pre- sented no advantage that would compensate for the considerable expense of its purchase. One asked 50 000 francs at that time, today the machine would cost at the most 25 000 francs. Accordingly, Mr. Leverrier certified to the government that there was no need to accept the proposal of the inventors, to which, fortunately, Mr. Gould has extended a friendly and helping hand. Mr. Leverrier has not changed his mind: he still finds the machine very ingenious, but he does not perceive any practical utility in it; according to him, it does only a fifth of the work necessary for the definitive calculation of tables, and it does this fifth less quickly than an ordinary calculator. Mr. Leverrier despite the opin- ion solemnly formulated by the Davys, the Brandes, the Brunels, the Baylies, the Herschels, the Katers, the Pounds, the Wollastons, the Sabines, the Donkins, the Kennies, etc., etc., expects nothing of calculating machines. When we see opposed to a magnificent invention an inopportune motion to have its merits denied, we too much mistrust ourselves and the sentiments of sadness, we should almost say of humor, which agi- tate us to try to refute directly the assertions and objections of Mr. Leverrier. To his personal judgment we would oppose that of a greatly esteemed English mathematician, member of the council of the Royal Astronomical Society of London, professor De Mor- gan; we would combat the testimony of Mr. Bailleul, concerning the printing mechanism of the calculating machine, with the appreciation issuing from one of the masters of English typography; finally, enough will soon be given, when the American astronomical savant, Mr. Gould, will have published his first astro- nomical tables, calculated and stereotyped by the Scheutz apparatus, to proclaim that the hour of repentance and reparation has sounded. First let us listen to Mr. De Morgan: "A large part of the scientific world looks very coldly on this invefition. They say it is of no use; that tables could be con- structed for a small part of the money, as many and 56 NUMBER 36 57 as good as with the machine. Dr. Young thought, we believe, that the sums expended for the construction of Mr. Babbage's machine, invested in State funds, would keep com- puters enough at work to supply the place of the machine. This argument is not absolutely false. Mr. Weller, senior, made use of it so ably that he might have stopped the great invention of railroads, if it had been duly weighed at the time when Stephenson passed for a fool for talking of 15 kilometers an hour, and was obliged to keep the possibility of 90 kilometers to himself. What rate could I keep a coach at, said the veteran whip, if one gave me a million per kilometer payed in advance? The event has shown that the argument was wrong: the rail- road is what it is, and there is much reason to think that the electric telegraph would never have been thought of in our day if the railroad had not existed. On with the work then! let every development of a new scientific idea and every new application of the idea, be encouraged and welcomed, even though its ultimate uses, we mean those uses which the man of the day can see, were as distant as universal gravita- tion and the lunar orbit from the old conic sections of the Platonic school of geometers, curves which one was happy to find had been studied when they ap- peared in the sky. Those who decry the highest stone because it supports nothing are fortunate in one point that no one will envy them, that they will always have something to decry. Those who are busy in raising the next stone do not bother them, because they know that a new job awaits them at the instant the old one is finished. Machines will one day do all that which symbolic calculation will do, whether simply numerical or algebraical. And the recent de- velopments of algebra seem to point to a time when the details of the operations will be the work of mechanical machines, when ever one wishes to exhibit definitive results." This is what the learned author of the Lectures on the Differential and Integral Calculus wrote nearly a year ago, on introducing to the scientific world these same Specimens of diverse Tables calculated, stereotyped and printed by the Scheutz machine, specimens the sight of which alone confounds us, it is so astonishing a triumph of mankind which gave birth to them. Mr. De Morgan added: "Our readers understand without difficulty that the machine is not fully automatic. It does not give logarithms, for example, merely for saying. Good machine, we want logarithms. It must be fed both with mechanical force and with calculations. The seed which one plants must be according to the harvest wanted: who could claim to grow figs of thistles without laborious culture? Similarly, the machine must be cultivated, but the return that it gives surpasses nearly all known harvests. A VERY LITTLE CALCULATION DEPOSITED IN ITS WOMB makes it produce an enormous quantity of results without any effort other than that needed to make a barrel- organ sing. It may fail sometimes because it has been fed badly, but the error will always be discovered; labor and lead may have been spent in vain, but bad merchandise will never issue from good." It is the turn of Mr. Alfred Deacon, director of the great printing establishment of Beaufort-House, on the Strand, to combat by figures the opinion of Mr. Bailleul. The characters can be as beautiful as one wishes them to be; the justification is perfect, the impression very neat; hence there can be a question only about the net cost, of the expense of the work, and of the time; now listen to the English printer: "As an example let us take the logarithm tables of the Specimen: each folio has sixteen pages, each page six double columns, each column has fifty lines; it is no exaggeration to evaluate the work of the calculator at 20 pounds. Now it is necessary to send the sixteen pages to the press and to set them in movable type; the price of composition, including reading of several proofs and corrections, will be at least 5 pounds; hence the total is 25 pounds. Let us compare this expense with that of the tables calculated with the aid of the machine. This time one does not need an experienced calculator, for the principal operation is reduced to writing differences on the cylinders; then the only questions is that of turning a crank until the table is terminated, as does the barrel-organ grinder as long as his air lasts. This work will certainly cost no more than 2 pounds; and there will be no errors to remark, no proofs to read, no corrections. Instead of having to reproduce the page of calculations in movable type, it will suffice to take its imprint or stereotype plate in metal, gutta-percha or any other material, by known procedures; stereotype and elec- trotype will produce them in relief, so it remains only to affix the pages on wooden forms so that they are ready to be printed. The expense of this sequence of operations for a folio of sixteen pages is 4 pounds, 16 shillings, no more no less; the next cost of each folio is therefore 6 pounds 16 shillings instead of 58 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 25 pounds. Hence, a difference in favor of the machine of 18 pounds 4 shillings or 445 franc per folio! And the logarithm tables of the machine will be safe from the errors of the tables calculated and composed by hand! There is the expenditure in money. Now let us arrive at the expenditure in time. The composition of each folio will demand 96 hours, and perhaps more; while the machine will calculate and print this same folio in 32 hours, more or less, that is in a time three times smaller." Here is the truth: a monetary saving of three-fourths, a time saving of more than one-third. One can sell it cheaply at its birth, but it will triumph sooner or later. Bibliography Introduction The following bibliography serves a twofold pur- pose. First, it is intended to document the present work and to note the chief sources of information and citations. Secondly, it is meant to serve as an intro- ductory aid to the scholar who wishes to pursue fur- ther some aspect of our topic. The "Location of Sources," while expressing my indebtedness to certain institutions, indicates some of the major depositories of Scheutz-related materials outside of Sweden. The "Bibliographic Guide," ar- ranged to follow the sequence of the text, also com- ments on the literature in the "References." The latter, arranged by author, contains titles of general works pertinent to this study and to works published prior to 1947 that refer to Scheutz or the Scheutz calculator. Not included are numerous articles from encyclopedias derived from the representative selec- tion listed under "Calculating Machine." Entries that do not explicitly mention Scheutz or one of the two Scheutz calculators are preceded by an asterisk (*). Entries that are cited elsewhere as being relevant to Georg Scheutz or his calculator but that I have not seen are preceded by a dagger (f). The final section of this bibliography is intended as a preliminary checklist of Scheutz's publications. It is arranged by author; journals edited by Georg Scheutz are listed imder the title of the journal. All the items included were written, translated, or published by Georg Scheutz; newspaper or journal articles were not in- cluded. Only a few of the works in this section have been inspected; the list has been compiled with the aid of some of Scheutz's own publications, of which the following are in the "References": Almquist 1904, Bygden 1898-1915, Klemming 1879, Linn- strom 1961, and Svensk bokkatalog for 1866-1875. Bergstedt 1878, which was used for the list in Archi- bald 1947, served as the starting point for the present checklist. Particular effort was made to identify anonymous authors and translators; the results are given in brackets. It is hoped that this first comprehensive biblio- graphic checklist of Scheutz's work, will encourage further study of his publications. It may be fruitful to examine more closely his political and technologi- cal writings, as well as his other journalistic contribu- tions, especially those to Aftonbladet. Additional topics that should be treated include an analysis of works that he translated or whose translations he published. His editions of James Fenimore Cooper and Sir Walter Scott have been almost entirely ig- nored in bibliographies of these authors. His interest in North American life and literature, evidenced by Birckbeck 1818, Cooper 1825-1826, 1826, 1827, 1828, and Wright 1826, may be worth considering at least in the context of his penchant for tales of travel and adventure, if not as part of a study dealing with nineteenth-century Swedish accounts of life in the New World. Any student of Scheutz's publications should examine more closely the validity of the claim that he rewrote much of that which he trans- lated or published. If he did so, an in-depth analysis of his overall role in the history of Swedish letters becomes even more rewarding. Location of Sources Most of the material for this study can be found at the Library of Congress, where the major part of my research was performed. In addition, the United States Naval Observatory Library and the library of the Dudley Observatory were consulted for materials pertaining to the history of the machine at Albany; the Folger Shakespeare Library for materials per- taining to Shakespeare in Sweden and to Scheutz's work on Shakespeare; the library of the University of Texas, especially items from the Svante Palm Bequest, for general and biographical Swedish references and for a copy of Scheutz's Journal for manufakturer och hushdllning; the Boston Public Library for a copy of Wiberg's logarithm tables; the Bibliotheque Nationale for French newspapers and periodical references to the calculator in the 1850s; and the New York Public Library for various references not 59 60 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY located elsewhere. The holdings of the Science Museum in London, the Tekniska Museet in Stock- holm and the National Museum of History and Tech- nology in Washington, D.C, provided important related documentation. As shown in the bibliography, the United States National Archives, the British Museum, and the Franklin Institute contain manu- script material most valuable to this study and not previously noted. Bibliographic Guide GEORG SCHEUTZ Among numerous English-language histories of Sweden, Oakley 1966 provides an especially useful introduction to the political movements that affected Georg Scheutz's career most closely. A splendidly illustrated general history which emphasizes cultural aspects is Den svenska historien 1968; volumes 7 and 8 cover the period 1772—1865. Aside from the brief but revealing account in Thomson 1813, good descrip- tions of Jonkoping at the time of Georg Scheutz's childhood and youth are found in Jonkoping 1921 and Salinas 1965. Jonkoping 1921 includes plans and references to the Scheutz inn. Sweden, Statistiska centralbyran 1969 presents enlightening statistical figures. Gustaf son 1961 gives a valuable English-language introduction to the history of Swedish literature. For detailed study of literary activities involving Scheutz, Schiick and Warburg 1929 appears indispensable. A wealth of facts concerning Scheutz's various journals and other periodicals can be found in Lundstedt 1969, which is a reprint of a work that appeared at the turn of the century (1895-1902); information concerning the publications includes names of chief participants, dates and frequency of publication, price, type style, size, and the like. Bernstrom 1958 remarks on Scheutz's publishing of Crusenstolpe and has useful related material. Goransson 1937 points to the relationship between Scheutz's Argus and Hierta's Aftonbladet. The most extensive available biographical sketch of Georg Scheutz has been Bergstedt 1878, which in- cludes details concerning his life prior to 1832. It is supplemented by some anecdotes in Johnson 1932 and personal recollections in Borgstrom 1836. Alm- qvist 1909 was checked in connection with the ques- tion of Scheutz's having taken the Bergexamen. Kihlberg 1968, a fine biography of Lars Hierta, leads to many interesting details about the long collabora- tion between Scheutz and Hierta. Gottlieb 1956 also refers to Scheutz and Aftonbladet. Scheutz's other publishing activities are documented in Almqvist 1904 and Linnstrom 1961. The technological growth in Sweden between the 1820s and the 1860s is discussed in the general histories above, and reflected in Scheutz's Journal for manufakturer as well as his other publications. Sidenbladh 1873 and 1876 furnish useful statistics concerning developments in printing and publishing. Bjoerkbom 1948 gives a history of Swedish printing from its inception to the 1930s. The masterful history of Swedish book printing, Klemming and Nordin 1883, provides information about a multitude of significant events related to Scheutz and his con- temporaries. Henriques 1917 and 1927 publications present not only a history of the Stockholm Techno- logical Institute but a wealth of related facts. By pro- viding a list of library holdings, Stockholm, Tekniska Hogskola 1849 sheds light on the diffusion of techni- cal and scientific information at the time. The literature on Babbage is growing. Most bio- graphical accounts are based on C. Babbage 1864. They either parrot his biases or overreact against them. Therefore, it is just as well to return to the primary source, which includes a host of facts as well as anecdotes. The papers included in H. P. Babbage 1889, along with the correspondence in the British Museum (London, British 1854-1858) and the holdings of the Science Museum in London 1926, provide a wealth of material for the student of Bab- bage's machines. Lardnei- 1834 is as readable today as it was in Scheutz's time. Copley 1923 and Thompson 1914 deal with Babbage in the context of scientific management, which interested Scheutz. CREATION OF THE CALCULATOR Information about Edvard Scheutz is based on standard Swedish biographical sources. Specimens 1857, Bergstedt 1878, and Klemming and Nordin 1883. Edvard's play is referenced in "Titles Published by Georg Scheutz" (Scheutz 1836). The names of the machine's underwriters are given in Specimens 1857. A number could be identified easily through their association with Scheutz and through standard biographical sources. The identity NUMBER 36 61 of others remains uncertain because of the lack of given names and because of possible misspellings. Dahlgren 1915 is a useful guide to members of the Swedish Academy of Sciences. It should be supple- mented with standard biographical references such as Hofberg 1876 and 1906, Svensk uppslagbok 1937, Svenskt biografiskt lexicon 1857-1907, Svenskt por- trdttgalleri 1903 and Svenska man och kvinnor 1942- 1955. Soderbaum 1929 contains relevant observations concerning Berzelius' political orientation. Sweden, Riksdagen 1851 and the associated pro- tocols of the four chambers for the years 1851 and 1853/54 document the Swedish parliament's discus- sion of the Scheutz calculator and reflect the position of the leading members; this fascinating primary source has been totally ignored in previous discus- sions and bibliographies of the calculator. Biographi- cal background concerning most of the participants in the discussion can be obtained from Svenskt biografiskt lexicon 1857-1907 and the earlier Bio- grafiskt lexicon 1835-1857. Kjellander 1953 gives an informative biographical account of J. W. Bergstrom. STRUCTURE AND OPERATION OF THE SCHEUTZ CALCULATOR The description of the machine is based on a com- parison of the patent description, reprinted as Ap- pendix I, and the actual present-day (1972) appear- ance of the machine. PROMOTION OF THE CALCULATOR Per Ambjorn Sparre's career is described in Aker- stedt 1964. Lindgren 1968 and Platbarzdis 1963 have references to Sparre in relation to the production of bank note paper and the history of the Riksbank. Of particular interest, recalling the association with Donkin, are references to the printing of serial numbers. The activities of the Tumba paper mill are elucidated in Castegren 1955. Stockholm, Post- museum 1930 preceded Akerstedt 1964 in describing Sparre's and Scheutz's contributions to Swedish phi- lately. Aside from standard biographies and obituaries such as the Dictionary of National Biography or Royal Society of London 1854, Donkin 1925 is the best guide to the history of the Donkin firm. Oldham 1842 and Mackenzie 1953, which describe some of the activities that brought Babbage and Donkin together, help nicely to bring out the parallelism be- tween these endeavors and those involving Sparre in Sweden. Biographical information about Gravatt is based on obituaries in Royal Society of London 1867 and Institution of Civil Engineers 1867. The report of the committee of the Royal Society appointed to study the calculator appeared in two widely read publications: Royal Society Proceedings and Philosophical Magazine (1856a). Related materi- al, such as Babbage's correspondence with Stokes about the report, can be found in London, British Museum 1854-1858 (Add. Mss. 37196). This also contains considerable information about the machine and its journey to and stay at the Paris Exposition. Published accounts of the machine and its surround- ings at the exposition can be found in the leading Parisian newspapers for 1855, as well as the London Daily News for 1855, Brisse 1857, Paris, Exposition 1855, and Pascal 1855. The documentation of Bab- bage's efforts on behalf of the machine found in London, British Museum 1854-1858 (Add. Mss. 37196 and 37197) is supplemented in Academic des Sciences 1855, C. Babbage 1855a, 1855b, 1856, and H. P. Babbage 1855. Cosmos 1856a and 1856b should be consulted in this connection, along with Chasles 1856 and Dupin 1856, which, together with Academic des Sciences 1858, reflect the divergence of views among French scientists. Sentiments in the American scientific community towards Babbage are documented in American As- sociation 1856 and in London, British Museum 1854-1858 (Add Mss. 37196). The latter also con- tains many details concerning the negotiations for purchase of the machine. Of the numerous pamphlets and broadsides relating to the early history and con- troversy at the Dudley Obseivatory, only the major ones are listed below. Albany, Dudley 1864, 1866, 1871, 1878 and Albany . . . Scientific Council 1858 as well as Albany . . . Trustees 1858 all mention the Scheutz tabulating machine, as does Gould 1859, Thacher 1858 and Albany, Committee 1858. Boss 1968 contains a helpful summary of the complex sequence of events. Bailey 1931 gives information about Searle, who ran the machine in Albany. One of the interesting, forgotten aspects of the machine's history is the interest and financial com- mitment on the part of the United States Department of Navy—or, at least, the Office of the Nautical Al- manac. This is documented in U. S. Navy Depart- ment 1857 and 1858, and Washington, U.S. National 62 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Archives 1856-1858 (Record Group 78). The manu- script material at the National Archives contains not only copies of the letters published in the official Annual Reports of the Navy, but also of those sent to Albany dealing with the progress of computa- tions, requests for vouchers, and the like. A copy of Davis' initial inquiry about the machine, which first came to my attention in London, British Museum 1854-1858 (Add. Mss. 37196), can also be found in Record Group 78 in The National Archives, Wash- ington. Weber 1926 provides a chronology pertinent to the history of the Naval Observatory and the Nautical Almanac office. PROPAGATION OF RECORDING CALCULATORS Great Britain, General Register Office 1864 has an extensive account of the Scheutz-Donkin machine (Scheutz No. 2), with special reference to Farr's work on it; it includes the classic results of this work. Gravatt 1859 and 1862 contain certain ex- amples of work done on the Scheutz-Donkin calcu- lator. London, Science Museum 1926 contains per- tinent information concerning the machine and associated items transferred to the museum. Numerous references given below under "Calcu- lating Machine" furnish a sampling of the appearance of the Scheutz calculator in standard encyclopedia articles. Of these, those devoting major space to the Babbage machines are derived from an article in Chambers' Encyclopedia by Major-General Bab- bage (1861). Others tend to perpetrate and per- petuate a variety of erroneous statements, including one that makes brothers of Georg and Edvard Scheutz. It is significant, however, that prominent mention of the machine is so frequent in these works in the latter part of the nineteenth century; still undetermined is the impact of such information on budding inventors for some of whom home encyclo- pedias constituted a chief source of reading material. Information about Martin Wiberg is given in Svenska man och kvinnor. It should be supplemented by H. Wiberg 1955. Anderson 1933 discusses his calculator in more detail. M. Wiberg 1860 is a version of the early interest tables, M. Wiberg 1876 of the more widely distributed logarithm tables com- puted on his difference machine. Academic des Sci- ences 1863 gives the rather detailed account of the study Mathieu, Chasles, and Delaunay made of Wi- berg's machine. My description of his machine i.'= based on this study. Pertinent information about Grant and his machine is found in standard American biographical encyclo- pedias and in Grant 1871. The Locke papers in Washington . . . National Museum of History and Technology 1871-1940 supplement this with copies of his patents, selected correspondence. Centennial-re- lated description of the difference machine and the like; this collection also documents, in part, L. Le- land Locke's efforts in the twentieth century to locate Grant's difference machine. Grant's supporters, mentioned in Grant 1871, are readily identifiable and linked to the Scheutz machine's history in America. The least known of these, John M. Batchelder, re- peatedly appears in the 1858 letters in the Washing- ton, D.C, National Archives 1856-1858 as the opera- tor submitting vouchers for work done on the Scheutz machine at Albany. The 1874 letter from Fairman Rogers to Wolcott Gibbs was found in the Gibbs correspondence in Philadelphia, Franklin In- stitute 1874. The discussion of trends in the development of calculators is based largely on study of the holdings in the National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, and the pertinent patent literature. It is supported by the sparse general litera- ture on the subject. Among general works, Ocagne 1928 and Martin 1925 are especially informative on the development of desk calculators. Comrie 1928, 1932a, 1932b, 1933, and 1946 give excellent accounts, based on first-hand knowledge, of twentieth-century adaptations of mechanical calculating aids to differ- ence techniques. Harvard University 1946 provides the best account of the ASCC, the Mark I relay computer. EPILOGUE References to the chief human participants were given above ("Promotion"). Literature on the Scheutz calculator appeared in spurts. The idea of the ma- chine is alluded to in Academic des Sciences 1838. The earliest and best technical description is the British patent of 1854 (Appendix I). This prompted a variety of notices in technological journals, exempli- fied by The Practical MecJianic's Journal 1855, and Scheutz's Calculating Machine 1855, and in news- papers, for example, New Calculating Machine 1855a. NUMBER 36 63 As noted above, the display in London and the ex- hibition in Paris in 1855 gave rise to a wealth of pop- ular notices concerning the machine, and the subse- quent presentations for the Academy at Paris and the Royal Society of London led to several notes and articles, as well as reports in their respective publica- tions. Next, the machine was described in numerous publications from Albany and Boston, also noted under "Promotion." Thanks to its wide and carefully planned distribu- tion, Specimens 1857 was the most influential ac- count of the machine, on which nearly all subsequent treatments have been based. Unfortunately, the not altogether accurate historical introduction has been used far more than Gravatt's concise discussion of the operation of the machine. Except for an example, this discussion has been reproduced here as Appendix II. Initially, the distribution of Specimens focused attention on the machine in two ways: through dis- cussion prompted by receipt of the autographed copies, of which Academic des Sciences 1858 is an example; and through reviews of the publication, ex- amples of which are Athenaeum 1857a, Institution of Civil Engineers 1857b, or Practical Mechanic's 1857b. Publication of the French version {Specimens 1858) had a similar effect. It prompted discussions, such as exemplified in Academic des Sciences 1858, reviews such as in Siecle 1858 and analyses, as illus- trated in the lengthy Cosmos 1858. Aside from a few sporadic accounts referenced in the text that refer to the presence and use of the ma- chine in Albany after Gould's departure, the machine was discussed less and less as time passed. Calculating by Machinery 1870 is an interesting American article on the machine, appearing at a time when its future at the Dudley seemed bleak. Significantly, it is refer- enced in Grant 1871. Encyclopedia references have been noted above. In the twentieth century, references to the calculator were usually made in the context of discussions that treated the computation of differ- ences by desk calculators, punch cards or computers (see "Propagation"). The Felt (1920) and Turck (1916-1931) files in Washington, National Museum of History and Technology, contain a few items that pertain to Felt's interest and acquisition of the ma- chine. The last substantive English-language account of the Scheutzes and their calculator was Archibald 1947; it owed much to Bergstedt 1878 for biographi- cal facts concerning Georg Scheutz, and to the Speci- mens 1857 for its account of the machine's creation. I have not listed numerous references to the machine that have appeared since 1947, usually in introduc- tions to textbooks on computing. These are mostly based on an uncritical adoption of statements from previous publications. References Academie des Sciences, Paris 1838. Memoires presentees. Comptes Rendus, 1: 1056. 1855. Correspondance. Comptes Rendus, 47:591. 1858. Correspondance. Comptes Rendus, 4r7•.G'i. 1863. Rapport sur la machine a calculer presentee par M. Wiberg. Comptes Rendus, 56:330-339. Aftonbladet (Stockholm) 1859. [Articles on the Scheutz calculator.] Aftonbladet, numbers 14, 17, 253. Akerstedt, Sven 1964. Frimarksleverantorerna. Volume 3 in Sveriges frankotecken handbok. Stockholm: Sveriges Filatelist-Forbund. Albany: Committee of Citizens Appointed to Consider the Proceedings of the Trustees of Dudley Ob.servatory 1858. The Dudley Observatory: An Address Albany: Comstock & Cassidy. Albany: Dudley Observatory 1864. Report of the Astronomer for the Year 1863. Albany: J. Munsell. 1866, 1871. Annals. 2 volumes. Albany. 1878. Report of the Astronomer for 1877. Albany: Weed, Parsons and Co. Albany: Dudley Observatory, Scientific Council 1858. Defence of Dr. Could. Albany: Weed, Parsons and Co. Albany: Dudley Observatory, Trustees 1858. The Dudley Observatory and the Scientific Council. Albany: Van Benthuysen. Almqvist, Johan Axel 1904. Sveriges bibliografiska litteratur. Volume 1. Stockholm: P. A. Norsted & Soner. 1909. Bergskollegium och bergslagsstaterna, 1637-1857. Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & Soner. American Academy of Arts and Sciences 1857. [On Gould's report concerning the Babbage and Scheutz machines.] Proceedings. 3:389. American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) 1856. Resolutions [commending Babbage]. Proceedings of . 1853, 7:276. Andersson, Tore 1933. Wibergs raknemaskin. Pages 98-99 in Daedalus: Tekniska museets drsbok. Stockholm: Tekniska Museet. Ingenieursvetenskapsakademien. Archibald, Raymond Clare 1947. P. G. Scheutz, Publicist, Author, Scientific Mathe- matician, and Edvard Scheutz, Engineer— Biography and Bibliography. Mathematical Tables and Other Aids to Computation, 2( 18) : 238-245. 64 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Athenaeum, London 1857a. [Review of Specimens apparently by De Morgan.] The Athenaeum, 1545:720-721. 1857b. [Supplementary note.] The Athenaeum, 1548:828. Babbage, Charles *1833. On the Economy of Machines and Manufactures. Third edition, enlarged. London: C. Knight. *1846. Nionde Bridge water-afhandlingen: Aphorismer. Translated from the second English edition by Gustaf Thomee. {Bibliotek i popular naturkun- nighet, volume 24.) Stockholm: Zacharias Haegg- strom. 1855a. Correspondance. [Academie des Sciences, Paris] Comptes Rendus, 41:528. 1855b. Note sur la machine suedoise de MM. Schutz pour calculer les tables mathematiques, par la methode des differences, et en imprimer les resultats sur des planches stereotypes. [Academie des Sciences, Paris] Comptes Rendus, 41:557-560. 1856. Observations Addressed, at the Last Anniversary, to the President and Fellows of the Royal Society, after the Delivery of the Medals. London: John Murray. 1861. See "Calculating Machine." 1864. 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Second edition. Stockhclm: KL Beck- man. Thacher. George H. 1858. A Key to the "Trustee's Statement": Letter to the Majority of the Trustees of the Dudley Ob- servatory. Albany: Atlas & Argus. 68 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Thompson, C. Bertrand *1914. The Literature of Scientific Management. Pages 3-48 in C. Bertrand Thompson, editor. Scientific Management. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni- versity Press. Thomson, Thomas *1813. Travels in Sweden during the Autumn of 1812. London: Robert Baldwin. U. S., Navy Department 1856-1860. [Annual] Report of the Secretary of the Navy. 5 volumes. Washington: Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C: Smithsonian Institution, National Museum of History and Technology, Mathematics 1971. Correspondence File. Museums. Letter and notes from Jane Pugh concerning the Scheutz-Donkin Machine. 1920. Documents, Group A. Felt File. 1871-1940. Documents, Group A. Locke File. 1916-1931. Documents, Group A. Turck File. Washington, D.C: National Archives 1856-1858. Record Group 78. Letter Books. Weber, Gustavus A. *1926. The Naval Observatory: Its History, Activities and Organization. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press. Wiberg, Helgo 1955. Nagra av Martin Wibergs uppfinningar. Pages 112-118 in Daedalus Tekniska Museets drsbok. Stockholm: Tekniska Museet, Ingenieursvetens- kapen. Wiberg, Martin 1860. Med maskin utraknade och stereotyperade rdnte- tabeller jemte en dagrdkningstabell. Stockholm: J. & A. Riis. 1876. Tables de logarithmes calculees et imprimees au moyen de la machine a calculer. Stockholm: Compagnie anonyme de Forsete. Wieselgren, Harald tl880. Ur var samtid. Stockholm. Titles Published by Georg Scheutz Agardh, C[arl] A[doIph] 1849. Bihang till skriften: Nytt och enkelt satt att losa nummereqvationer. Edited [with an addition of 4 pages] by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: N & K Markus. Alten, MSrten 1817. Hon narrar dem alia: Komedi i en akt. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1829. Hon narrar dem alia: Komedi i en akt. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Anmdrkaren 1816. Stockholm: Fr. Cederborgh & Co. 1817-1820. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. Anmdrkarne 1820. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Arago, FranQois 1854. Skrifter. Introduction by Alexander von Hum- boldt, translation by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. A. Dahlstrom. Argus. Politisk, litterdr och commerciell tidning 1820-1836. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Aristophanes 1826. Molnen: Lustspel. Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. d'Arlincourt, [Charles Victor Prevot] 1827. Eremiten. Translation, based on the eleventh French edition, by C R. [Lars Arnell]. 2 volumes Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Arndt, E[rnst] M[oritz] 1819a. Om stats-forfattningar med stdnder. [Translation by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona.] Stockholm: Ceder- borgska boktryckeriet. 1819b. Plan til en furstes upfostran och undervisning Translation [by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona]. Stock- holm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. Astrand, J[ohan] J[ulius] 1855-1859. Universal-lexikon for kopmdn, fabrikanter, konsuler och alia, som sta i ndrmare beroring med handeln. 2 volumes. Stockholm: C M. Thimgren. [Based on W. Hoffmann's Encyclopedia; com- pleted by G. Scheutz.] Bailleul, J. Ch. 1820. Franska revolutionen, dess verkliga orsaker och syftnig. Translation [by Joh. Henr. Ritterberg]. 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Bailly de Merlieux, C F. 1835. Handbok i naturkunskapen. Based on the third edition, translation with revisions [partly by G. Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 7. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Bartholdy, J[acob] L. S. 1820. Underrdttelser om det nuvarande Grekland, sam- lade pa en resa. [Translation by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona.] Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Bentham, Jeremy 1823. Taktik for rddslaende national representationer. Elaborated by Etienne Dumont, translation [by Joh. Henr. Ritterberg]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Birckbeck, Morris] 1818. Nybyggarne i Nordamerika, deras oden och utsigter. [Translation by G. Scheutz.] Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. [Bjornstjerna, Magnus Fred. Ferd.] 1833. Svar pa herr Wollrath Thams anmdrkningar vid grefve Bjornstjernas afhandling om svenska jordens beskattning. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Boccaccio, Giovanni 1818. Guiscardo och Sigismonda. Translation [by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm. [Braddon, Mary Elizabeth (Maxwell)] 1863-1864. De lottlose. Translation from the English by G. Scheutz, 2 volumes. Stockholm: J. Beckman. 1865. Doktorns fru. Translation from the English by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. Beckman. NUMBER 36 69 1866. Grobianen. Translation from the English by G. Scheutz, 2 volumes. Stockholm: Hjerta. Brunton, Robert 1833-1835. Handbok i mekaniken. Revised by Christoph and Joh[ann] Gust[av] Bernoulli, translation [from the German by Magnus Luttrop] with additions, 2 volumes. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 6. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Caesar, Gaius Julius 1828. Kommentarier ofver Galliska kriget. Latin original and Swedish translation [mostly free by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Chaussier, F., and Joseph Morin 1832. Handbok for helsans bevarande. Translation, witli additions and revisions, adapted to Swedish cli- mate and customs [by G. Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap,' volume 1. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Cooper, [James Fenimore] 1825-1826. Spionen. Translation, 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1826. Redwood. [Translation by Lars Arnell], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1827. Susquehannas kdllor, eller nybyggarne. Transla- tion by C. R. [Lars Arnell], 3 volumes. Stock- holm: G. Scheutz. 1828. Den siste mohikanen. Translation by L. Wester- berg. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Crusenstolpe, Magnus Jacob] 1834a. Skildringar ur det inre af dagens historia: De franvarande. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1834b. Skildringar ur det inre af dagens histori.a: De ndrvarande. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Elfving, J. I., editor 1824. Magazin for ungdom, number 1. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Eutropius 1829. Sammandrag af romerska historien. Latin text and Swedish translation [by G. Scheutz]. Stock- holm: G. Scheutz. Fenelon, Francois de Salignac de La Mothe- 1832. Les aventures de Telemaque, fils d'Ulysse. [Edited by G. Scheutz], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Friedrich, Theodor Heinrich] 1817. Den patriotiska flickan: Skadespel i I akt. [Trans- lation by Marten Alten.] Stockholm: Cederborg- ska boktryckeriet. [Fryxell, Johan] 1818. War theater? Ldsning for riksdagsmdn och ak- torer. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. Great Britain: Patent Office 1855. Letters Patent A. D. 1854, No. 2216 [issued to G. and E. Scheutz]: Improvements in Machinery of Apparatus for Calculating and Printing the Results of such Calculations. Specifications of Inventions, 83(2216). Hall 1831. Latinska sprdkets stamord, med exempel af deras bruk. Translation from the English by Ludvig Westerberg. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Hermbstadt, S[igismund] F[riedrich] 1832. Handbok i teknologien eller slojdkunskapen. Translation [by Magnus Luttrop] with additions. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 5. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Hinchliff, Th[omas] W[oodbine] 1864. Brasilien och Platastaterna: Reseanteckningar. Translation by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. Beck- man. Hufeland, C[hristoph] W[ilhelm] 1816. Wi och wara forfdder i fisiskt hdnseende. [Trans- lation by G. Scheutz.] Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. Hugo, Victor 1852. Napoleon den lille. Translation from the French [by G. Scheutz et al.]. Stockholm: J. Beckman. [Hyckert, Joh. Fredr.] 1817. Forsok att bestdmma begreppen om finanser, handel, skatter och embeten. 2 volumes. Stock- holm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1818. Foljder af statshushdllnings—, stats-skulds-och finans-systemer. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktry- ckeriet. [Hyckert, Joh. Fredr., et a)., editors] 1816-1818. Forsok till en ny svensk statistisk jurnal, numbers 5-8. Stockholm: Cederborgska bok- tryckeriet. Journal for manufakturer och hushdllning 1825-1826: 1833-1834. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Julia-Fontenelle, Jean Sebastien Eugene 1832a. Handbok for attiketillverkning sa val fabriksvis som for hushall. Abridged translation [by G. Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1832b. Handbok for tillverkning och rening af oljor s4 val fabriksvis som for hushall. Abridged transla- tion with corrections and additions [by G. Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Kotzebue, August Friedrich Ferdinand von] 1817a. Pastoratet, eller: Den raka vdgen dr den bdsta: Komedi i en akt. Free translation [by Marten Alten]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1817b. Strandrdtten: Komedi i en akt. [Translation by Marten Alten.]. Stockholm: Cederborgska bok- tryckeriet. 1820. Den fyratiodrige dlskaren: Komedi uti i en akt. Translation [by Mirten Alten]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1829. Pastoratet, eller: Den rdka vdgen dr den bdsta: Komedi i en akt. Free translation [by Marten Alten]. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1832. Strandrdtten: Komedi i en akt. Translation by Marten Alten. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Lacroix, S[ylvestre] F[ran5ois] 1832. Handbok i landtmateriet. Translation [by Magnus J. Luttrop] adapted to Swedish [use]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 4. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 70 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Lagerhjelm, Per 1840. Anforande hos ridderskapet och adeln, den 11 mars 1840. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [La Motte-Fouque, Friedrich Heinrich, Baron de] 1817. Eginhard och Emma: Romantisk handelse vid Carl den stores hof. Translation [by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1821. Carl den store, eller natten i skogen: Dramatiserad saga. Translation [by C Hedlund]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Langbein, Ernst] 1818. Dechanten i Budajoz, eller andeverldens gunst, en presthistoria fran Spanien. Translation. Stock- holm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. Liebig, Justus 1853. Kemiska bref. Translation from the third edition by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. Beckman. Ling, [Per Henrik] 1824a. Ingjald Illrada och I var Vidfame: Songspel. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1824b. Styrbjorn Starke: Historiskt skadespel. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Liwijn, Claes] 1817. Axel Sigfridsson: Roman. Stockholm: Cederborg- ska boktryckeriet. Llorente, [Juan Antonio] ca. 1820. Pafvarnes historia. [Translation.] Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Louis XVIII 1823. Flykten fran Paris till Brussel och Coblenz, 1791. Translation from the original published in 1823 [by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Luttrop, Magnus] 1836. Norrige: Artikel ur Svenska bondens tidning, for hvilken denna anses hafva blifvit indragen. Stock- holm: G. Scheutz. 1839. Handbok i svarfkonsten. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 8. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Morier, James 1825. Ha']i Baba fran Ispahan: Romantisk malning [skildring] af Persien. Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1830. Hadji Babas fran Ispahan dfventyr i Europa. Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 2 volumes. Stock- holm : G. Scheutz. 1831. Oster Idndningar och westerldndningar, eller Had- ji Babas dfventyr i Europa. Translation, 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Mueller, A. F. ca. 1830. Engelsk grammatik. Third edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Miiller, [Wilhelm Kristian,] and [M.] Sommer 1833. Italiensk Idsbok; med dertill horande ordbok och sprdkldra. Translation with additions and changes by G. Scheutz, second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [For first edition, see Sommer 1819.] Nepos, Cornelius 1818. Om namnkunniga fdltherrars lefnadslopp. Trans- lation [by G. A. Wulff]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1828. [Vitae excellentium imperatorum.] Latin text and Swedish translation [by G. A. Wulff], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Picard, [Louis Benoit,] and [Friedrich von] Schiller 1819. Meddelmdttig och krypande, eller konsten att gora lycka: Komedi i 5 akter. [Translation by Marten Alten.] Stockholm: Cederborgska bok- tryckeriet. Prechtl, Joh[ann] Jos[eph] 1833. Handbok for bryggning och maltberedning. Trans- lation with additions and revisions [by G. Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst slojd ach tilldmpad vetenskap. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Richert, Joh. Gabr.] 1822. Ett och annat om korporationer. Stockholm: Fr. B. Nestius. [Sold and perhaps also published by G. Scheutz.] Roberts, W. H. 1855. Den inhemske vinfabrikanten och hembryggaren. Free revision and translation [by G. Scheutz] based on the fifth English edition. Stockholm: A. Hellsten. Saint Croix (?) ca. 1820. Mysterier, de gamles: Historisk framstdllning deraf. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Salverte, Eusebe 1831. Den hemlige vetenskapen. Translation [by G. Scheutz], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Say, Jean-Baptiste 1823-1824. Afhandling uti statshushdllningsldran. Trans- lation [by Carl David Skogman] based on the fourth enlarged and revised edition, 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Scheutz, Edvard 1836. Vackra flickor finnas dfven i Siberien: Lustspel i tva akter. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Scheutz, Georg 1815. Nattdfventyret. Stockholm: F. Cederborgh & c. [Reprint from Samlaren, number 3, 1815.] 1817. Handbok for sa wdl enklare som mera konstig blekning winter-och sommartiden. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1819. Register ofver Stockholms tidningar. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1820. Handbok for sd wdl enklare som mera konstig blekning winter-och sommartiden. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1823. Handlingar, horande till den i kongl. Gotha hofrdtt anstdllda rdttegang mot Hrr Adlersparre, Gripenwalett, Kurck, Schultz, Silverskold och Skoldebrand, for deras yttranden vid 1800 drs riksdag: Ett bidrag till envdldets historia i Sverige. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Authorship uncertain.] 1832. Handbok i ritkonsten. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 2. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1834. Portatif raknemaskin i form af en liten bok. En NUMBER 36 71 tilldmpning af John Nepers, baron af Merchiston, rdknestafvar. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1840. Sldgtvdlde och idevdlde, eller det som var ach det som kommer. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1842. Handbok i ritkonsten. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1843. Vdgen till naturens riken: En elementarbok i naturhistorien. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta. 1849a. Handbok for bleckarbeten. (Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 9.) Stock- holm: Eckstein. 1849b. Nytt och enkelt satt att losa nummereqvationer. Stockholm: N & K Marcus. [Also see Agardh 1849.] 1856a. Den praktiske affdrsmannen: Handbok for hand- lande och handtverkare. [Treatment based on the third edition of "Der kleine Rotschild."] Stock- holm: J & A Riis. 1856b. Jorden, illustrerade naturbilder. Stockholm. [Sec- ond edition, revised, with index, published 1857 in Stockholm.] 1860. Stockholm: Illustrerade utkast. Stockholm: A. Hellsten. 1860-1861. Industriens bok. 2 series, 8 volumes. Stock- holm : Thimgren, Blomqvist, Ljunggren. 1862. Jorden, illustrerade naturbilder. Third revised edition, with index. Stockholm: A. Hellsten. 1868. Den praktiske affdrsmannen. Second edition. Stockholm. 1869. Lagerhjelm: Svenska Vetenskapsakademien. Lef- nadsteckningar, l(9):71-76. 1873. von Sydow: Svenska Vetenskapsakademien. Lef- nadsteckningar, 1(21):241-250. 1875. Den praktiske affdrsmannen. Third edition. Stockholm: Alb. Bonnier. Schiller, [Friedrich von] 1819. Viellevilles lefverne och krigsbedrifter. Transla- lation [by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. Schubert, F[riedrich] Wilh[elm von] 1823-1825. Resa genom Sverige, Norrige, Lappland, Finland, Ingermanland. Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Scott, Walter 1821-1822. Ivanhoe: Romantisk malning af England, under Richard Lejonhjertas tidhvarf. Translation [by Joh. Henr. Ritterberg], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1824a. Fanatismen: Historisk skildring. Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1824b. Midlothians hjerta. Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1826-1827. Woodstock. Translation by C. R. [Lars Arnell], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Shakespeare, William 1816. Julius Caesar: Skadespel. Translation by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: F. Cederborgh & Co. 1820. Kdpmannen i Venedig: Skadespel. Translation [by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1825a. Konung Richard den andre: Sorgspel. Transla- tion by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1825b. De muntra fruarna i Windsor: Lustspel. Transla- tion by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1825c. Som ni behagar: Skadespel. Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1825d. Trettondagsafton eller hvad ni vill: Skadespel. Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stock- holm: G. Scheutz. 1825e. Antonius och Cleopatra: Skadespel. Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1831. Julius Caesar: Skadespel. Translation by G. Scheutz. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Smith, Horace 1827. Slottet Brambletye, eller Carl den II och Crom- well. Translation from the original by C R. [Lars Angell], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1829. Joe Hill: Romantisk skildring frdn Henry VIII:s och Engelska reformationens tidehvarf. Transla- tion by Lars Arnell. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Sommer, M. 1819. Italiensk Idsbok, med dertill horande ordbok och sprakldra. Based on G. W. Miiller; translation with additions and revisions. Stockholm: Ceder- borgska boktryckeriet. Spegeln 1837-1838. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Sue, Eugene 1844. Parisiska mysterier. Translation [by G. Scheutz and others]. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta. Svensk illustrerad polytechnisk journal 1852-1854. 3 volumes. Stockholm: C M. Thimgren. Svenska bondens tidning 1835-1836. 84 issues. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Svenska industriforeningens tidskrift 1834-1839. 61 issues. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Svetonius Tranqvillus, Cfajus] 1832. De tolf fdrste romerske kejserne. Translation [by Magnus Luttrop], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Terquem, [Olny] 1832. Handbok i algebra. Translation [by Magnus Lut- trop], tables added. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 3. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Tidning for norringarne 1840-1842. 64 issues. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Voss, Christian Daniel] 1821. Markisens af Pombal minister. Translation. Stock- holm: G. Scheutz. Voss, Julius von 1828. Ruter Dam och Gips Apollo, eller de svartsjuka makarne: Ears i tva akter. Translation [by Marten Alten]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Wagner, Wilhelm 1869-1872. Rom. Translation from the second edition 72 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY by G. Scheutz [volume 1; volumes 2 and 3 by E. Scheutz]. 3 volumes. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta. [Walberg, Carl Gustav] 1817a. Engelbrecht Engelbrechtsson; hjelte, statsman, fddereslandets forsvarare mot utldndskt fdrtryck. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1817b. Soldat-familjen, den 28 januari: Prolog. Stock- holm : Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 1817c. Oegennytta och uppslysning. Stockholm: Ceder- borgska boktryckeriet. [Wergeland, Henrik Arnold] 1837. Stockholmsfararen. Sjuttonde maj stycke af Siful Siffada. Translation and notes by G. Scheutz. Spegeln, numbers 22 and 23. Werner, Ffriedrich] L[udwig] Z[acharias] 1817. Dalens soner. Translation [by G. Scheutz], 2 parts, 3 volumes. Stockholm: Cederborgska bok- tryckeriet. 1864. Dalens soner. Translation [and introduction by G. Scheutz], second edition. Stockholm: Huld- berg & Komp. Wright, [Frances] 1826. Resa genom Fdrenta staterna i Nordamerika. Translation [by Marten Alten], 2 volumes. Stock- holm: G. Scheutz. Xenofon 1829. Cyri hdrfdrd och de tiotusendes atertag. Transla- tion from the Greek by Ludvig Westerberg [re- vised by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 1831. Cyri hdrfdrd och de tiotusendes atertag. Transla- tion from the Greek by Ludvig Westerberg [re- vised by G. Scheutz], second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. Zimmermann, [Eberhard August Wilhelm] 1809. Brasilien enligt de nyaste och sakraste under- rdttelser skildradt. Translation [from the German by G. Scheutz]. Jonkoping. Index of Persons Agardh, Carl Adolph (1785-1859), 10 Agardh, J. M. (1812-1862), 10 Aiken, Howard (1900-1973), 38 Airy, George Biddle, Sir (1801-1892), 29 Alander, G. von (fl. 1800), 3 Albert, Consort of Queen Victoria (1819-1861), 20, 21, 26 Appert, Nicolas (1750-1841), 18 Arago, Francois (1786-1853), 39 Armsby, James Harris (1809-1875), 25, 28 Babbage, Charles (1792-1871), 2, 5-8, 10, 13, 15-16, 18-26, 31-35, 37-38, 40, 42, 56 Babbage, Henry Prevost (fl. 1855), 20-21 Babinet, Jacques (1794-1872), 56 Bache, Alexander Dallas (1806-1867), 23, 26 Bacon, Richard Mackenzie (1775-1844), 18 Bailleul, M. (fl. 1855), 56-57 Bailly de Merlieux, Charles Francois (1800-1862), 5 Barbour, Edmund D. (1841-1925), 37 Batchelder, John M. (1811-1892), 26, 28, 34 Baylis, Edward (1791-1861), 56 Bergstrom, J. W. (1812-1881), 12, 40, 42 Berzelius, Johan Jacob (1779-1848), 3, 9 Beust, Carl (fl. 1925), 41 Bjornstjerma, M. F. F., Count (1779-1847), 9 Boccaccio, Giovanni (1313-1375), 4 Bonaparte, Napoleon Joseph Charles Paul (1822-1891), 20 Borgstrom, Ludvig (1788-1862), 3 Boss, Lewis (1846-1912), 41 Braddon, Mary Elizabeth (1837-1915), 39 Brande, Wilham Thomas (1788-1866), 56 Brandstrom, Commissioner (fl. 1855), 20 Brinck, A.M. (1794-1861), 11 Brisse, Leon, Baron (1813-1876), 20 Brunei, Marc Isombard (1769-1849), 18-19, 56 Brunton, Robert (1796-1852), 5 Cauchy, Augustin Louis (1789-1857), 22 Cederborgh, Fredrick (1784-1835), 3-4 Charles XIV John, King of Sweden and Norway (1763- 1844), 10 Charles XV, King of Sweden and Norway (1826-1872), 22 Chasles, Michel (1793-1880), 20, 22, 32 Comrie, Leslie John (1893-1950), 37 Congreve, William, Sir (1772-1828), 17 Crusenstolpe, M. J. (1795-1865), 4 Davis, Charles H. (1807-1877), 23-24, 28 Davy, Humphry, Sir (1778-1829), 56 Deacon, Alfred (fl. 1855), 57 Delaunay, Charles Eugene (1816-1872), 32-33 DeMorgan, Augustus (1806-1871), 19, 56-57 Donkin, Bryan (1768-1855), 17-19, 42 Donkin, Bryan (1835-1902), 18, 20, 22, 25, 29-30, 32, 35, 38, 40, 42, 56 Donkin, John (1802-1854), 18 Donkin, Thomas (fl. 1870), 40 Dupin, Charles (1784-1873), 22 Ericsson, John (1803-1889), 32 Eustis, Henry Lawrence (1819-1885), 34 Farr, William (1807-1883), 29-32, 38 Felt, Dorr E. (1862-1930), 37, 41 Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph, Archduke of Austria and Emperor of Mexico (1832-1867), 22 Fourdrinier, Henry (fl. 1800), 17 Fourdrinier, Sealy (fl. 1800), 17 Gamble, John (fl. 1800), 18 Gavit, John E. (1817-1874), 24, 42 Geijer, Erik Gustaf (1783-1847), 3 Gibbs, Wolcott (1822-1908), 34-35 Gould, Benjamin Apthorp (1824-1896), 22-28, 31, 38, 40, 56 Grant, George B. (1849-1917), 32-35, 37 Gravatt, William F. (1806-1866), 18-20, 22, 25-26, 30, 38, 40 Gustavus III, King of Sweden and Norway (1746-1792), 3 Haeggstrom, Zacharias (1787-1869), 10 Hahn, Philipp Matthaus (1739-1790), 37 Hall, John (fl. 1800), 17-18 Helvetius, Claude Adrien (1715-1771), 3 Henry, Joseph (1797-1878), 23 Hermbstadt, Sigismund Friedrich (1760-1833), 5 Herschel, J. F. W. (1792-1871), 56 Hierta, Lars J. (1801-1872), 4-5, 9, 10, 12,39 Hinchliff, Thomas Woodbine (1825-1882), 39 Hough, George Washington (1836-1909), 40-41 Hudson, T.C. (fl. 1914), 37 Hugo, Victor (1802-1885), 4 Humboldt, Alexander von (1769-1859), 39 Jayet (fl. 1850), 20 Johansson, Johan (1792-1860), 4 Kater, Henry (1777-1835), 56 Kotzebue, August Friedrich Ferdinand von (1761-1819), 4 Lacroix, Sylvestre Frangois (1765-1843), 5 Lagrange, Joseph Louis (1736-1813), 5 73 74 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY La Motte-Fouque, Friedrich Heinrich, Baron (1777-1843), 4 Laplace, Pierre Simon de (1749-1827), 5 Lardner, Dionysius (1793-1859), 7-8, 13, 15 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646-1716), 37 Lenaeus, Andreas, 2 LeVerrier, U. J. J. (1811-1877), 21-23, 56 Liebig, Justus, Freiherr von (1803-1873), 39 Lilliehook, Carl Bertil (1809-1890), 9 Lindbergh, Charles A. (1902-1974), 11 Lindh, Nils Magnus (1775-1835), 5 Ling, Per Henrik (1776-1839), 4 Malm, J. (fl. 1822), 4 Mansson, Ola (1808-1892), 11 Martins, Albrecht (1816-1871), 23 Mathieu, Emile-Leonard (1835-1900), 32 Maurel (fl. 1850), 20 Miller, W. H. (1801-1880), 19 3-1873), 21, 32, Napoleon III, Emperor of the French (1! 40 Olcott, Thomas W. (1795-1880), 25, 28 Olivier, Theodore (1793-1853), 9 Oscar I, King of Sweden and Norway (1799-1859), 10-11. 21 Oscar II, King of Sweden (1829-1907), 22, 32 Owen, Samuel (fl. 1835), 12 Pascal, Blaise (1623-1662), 15, 37 Peirce, Benjamin (1804-1881), 22-23, 34 Peel, Robert, Sir (1788-1850), 10 Playfair, Lyon Playfair, 1st Baron (1818-1898), 21 Pope, Alexander (1688-1744), 3 Pound, William (1807-1881), 56 Prony, Gaspard Clair Francois Marie Riche, Baron de (1755- 1839), 6-7 Rathbone, John F. (fl. 1850), 25 Rennie, George (1791-1866), 19, 56 Rennie, John, Sir (1794-1874), 56 Rogers, Fairman (1833-1900), 35 Sabine, Edward, Sir (1788-1883), 19, 56 Scheutz, Edvard (1821-1881), 8-9, 11-12, 16, 19-22, 24-27, 29-30, 32, 40, 56 Scheutz, Frederik Christian (fl. 1790), 2 Scheutz, Georg (1785-1873), 1-12, 16, 19-26, 37-39, 42, 56 Searle, George Mary (1839-1918), 26 Selander, N. H. (1804-1870), 9 Shakespeare, William (1564-1616), 3-4 Smith, Adam (1723-1790), 6 Sparre, Per Ambjorn (1828-1921), 18, 39-40, 42 Spencer, Charles A. (1813-1881), 24 Stephenson, George (1781-1848), 57 Stokes, G. G. (1819-1903), 19-20, 23 Terquem, Olry (1782-1862), 5 Thomander, Johan Henrik (1798-1865), 4 Thomas, Charles Xavier (1785-1870), 20, 37 Troughton, Edward (1753-1835), 19 Turck, J. A. V. (fl. 1920), 41 Villarceau, Yvon (1813-1883), 21 Voltaire, Frangois Marie Arouet de (1694-1778), 3 Wagner, Wilhelm (1800-1866), 39 Wallmark, Lars Johan (1810-1855), 10-11 Weller, Sr. (fl. 1825), 57 Werner, Friedrich Ludwig Zacharias (1768-1823), 4 Wetterbergh J. (fl. 1800), 3 Wheatstone, Charles (1802-1875), 19 Wiberg, Martin (1826-1905), 32-33, 37 Willis, Robert (1800-1875), 19 Winlock, Joseph (1826-1875), 28, 34 Wollaston, William Hyde (1766-1828), 19, 56 Wrede, Fabian J. (1802-1893), 10-11 Young, Thomas (1773-1829), 57 Zimmermann, Eberhard August Wilhelm (1743-1815), 3, 39 ii U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1977 O—208-238 REQUIREMENTS FOR SMITHSONIAN SERIES PUBLICATION Manuscripts intended for series publication receive substantive review within their originating Smithsonian museums or offices and are submitted to the Smithsonian Institution Press with approval of the appropriate museum authority on Form SI-36. Requests for special treatment—use of color, foldouts, casebound covers, etc.—require, on the same form, the added approval of designated committees or museum directors. Review of manuscripts and art by the Press for requirements of series format and style, completeness and clarity of copy, and arrangement of all material, as outlined below, will govern, within the judgment of the Press, acceptance or rejection of the manuscripts and art. 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