Islamicate Celestial Globes Their history, Construction, and Use EMILIE SAVAGE-SMITH with a chapter by ANDREA P. A. BELLOLI SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS SERIES PUBLICATIONS OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Emphasis upon publication as a means of "diffusing knowledge" was expressed by the first Secretary of the Smithsonian. In his formal plan for the Institution, Joseph Henry outlined a program that included the following statement: "It is proposed to publish a series of reports, giving an account of the new discoveries in science, and of the changes made from year to year in all branches of knowledge." This theme of basic research has been adhered to through the years by thousands of titles issued in series publications under the Smithsonian imprint, commencing with Smittisoriian Contributions to Knowledge in 1848 and continuing with the following active series: Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology Smithsonian Contributions to Astrophysics Smithsonian Contributions to Botany Smithsonian Contributions to the Earth Sciences Smithsonian Contributions to the hAarine Sciences Smithsonian Contributions to Paleobiology Smithsonian Contributions to Zoology Smithsonian Folklife Studies Smithsonian Studies in Air and Space Smithsonian Studies in f^istory and Technology In these series, the Institution publishes small papers and full-scale monographs that report the research and collections of its various museums and bureaux or of professional colleagues in the world of science and scholarship. The publications are distributed by mailing lists to librahes, universities, and similar institutions throughout the world. Papers or monographs submitted for series publication are received by the Smithsonian Institution Press, subject to its own review for format and style, only through departments of the various Smithsonian museums or bureaux, where the manuscripts are given substantive review. Press requirements for manuscript and art preparation are outlined on the inside back cover. Robert McC. Adams Secretary Smithsonian Institution SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY • NUMBER 46 Islamicate Celestial Globes: Their History, Construction, and Use Emilie Savage-Smith with a chapter on iconography by Andrea P.A. Belloli Smithsonian Institution Press Washington, D.C. 1985 ABSTRACT Emilie Savage-Smith, with a chapter by Andrea P.A. Belloli. Islamicate Celestial Globes: Their History, Construction, and Use. Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology, no. 46, 354 pages, 87 figures, 7 tables, indices, 1985.—Islamicate celestial globes made as early as the eleventh century are found in museums and private collections today. There are also references in classical Greek and Roman literature to earlier globes that are no longer extant. These globes are of interest to the history of astronomy, of art, and of technology. The globe presently in the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution, which is a fine example of a seventeenth-century Mughal Indian globe, was selected for detailed analysis and serves as the focus for this monograph. The first part of the study compares this particular globe with other known Islamicate globes and places the development of such globes within the historical perspective of the earlier Greco-Roman world from which it drew many of its traditions. An historical survey is given of all references and artifacts from the Greco-Roman and Islamic world that can have bearing on our knowledge of the design, construction, and use of such globes. The nature and general characteristics of three basic types of Islamicate celestial globes, and their probable uses as well as methods of construction, are the subjects of the second chapter of the study. Photographs of selected Islamicate globes from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries, as well as line drawings based on written descriptions, accompany the historical and analytical discussion. The fourth chapter on iconography analyses the constellation figures on the Smithsonian globe from the perspective of an art historian. This chapter was contributed by Andrea P.A. Belloli. The second major part of the study presents a discussion of the star names engraved on the Mughal globe, tracing the origins of the terms in Greek mythology or early Bedouin constel- lation outlines. The discussion of each constellation is accompanied by a photograph of the constellation as depicted on the Smithsonian globe. An account of lunar mansions is included as background to early Bedouin asterisms, which greatly affected later Islamicate star names and eventually "modern" western star names. The sixth section presents an extensive descriptive catalogue of the 126 Islamicate celestial globes known to scholars prior to 1982. The references in the other sections to particular globes are keyed to the entry numbers in this catalog. Following the catalog are tables comparing the features of the globes and transcriptions of the signature inscriptions. Six entries (Nos. 127-132) were added to the catalog while the study was in press. Copyright © Smithsonian Institution 1984 OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of copies and is recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. COVER: Globe No. 38, the Smithsonian Globe. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Savage-Smith, Emilie. Islamicate celestial globes, their history, construction, and use. (Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 46) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Globes, Celestial—History. 2. Globes, Celestial— India—History. 3. Astronomy, Arabic— History. 1. Belloli, Andrea P.A. II. Title. III. Series. QB66.S28 1984 522'.7 83-20197 Contents FOREV^^ORD iv PREFACE vi INTRODUCTION 1 Historical Overview 1. A History of Celestial Globes in the Greco-Roman and Islamic Worlds 3 2. The Nature, Use, and Construction of Islamicate Celestial Globes 61 The Smithsonian Globe 3. Description and Attribution 96 4. The Constellation Figures on the Smithsonian Globe 99 5. A History of Star Names, Based on the Smithsonian Globe 114 Classical Greek and Pre-Islamic Sources 114 Lunar Mansions 119 The Forty-eight Constellations 132 Extant Islamicate Celestial Globes 6. Descriptive Catalog 213 7. Tables of Basic Characteristics of the Globes 278 8. Major Inscriptions on the Globes 284 NOTES 297 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 312 INDICES 329 Manuscripts Cited 329 Collections 330 Makers 334 Patrons and Proprietors 336 Arabic Terminology 337 Greek Terminology 344 General Index 345 Ul FOREWORD This comprehensive study of Islamicate globes was initiated in the most casual manner one spring day more than ten years ago in my office as Deputy Director of the National Museum of History and Technology (now the National Museum of American History). The Museum had just acquired a most interesting celestial globe but there was no one on hand who could read its inscriptions. At the time there was no one on the professional staff with a knowledge of the Arabic language. The lack was soon remedied, however, with the discovery that Mrs. Emilie Savage-Smith, a Smithsonian post-doctoral Fellow working in the Division of Medical Sciences, was familiar with the language. When called upon, she readily provided the information needed. But the story did not end there. Mrs. Savage-Smith became intrigued with the globe, and her preliminary research revealed that this was a category of instruments that had been neglected by scholars. Realizing that a study of Islamicate globes presented an unusual opportunity to make a contribution to the literature, she undertook a more detailed examination of the example in the Museum, and then began a search for others with which to compare it. Little did she realize at the time that she was launched on a project that was to preoccupy her for the next decade and would take her to far places. As a first step, arrangements were made with the Smithsonian's Conser- vation-Analytical Laboratory to make a thorough technical analysis of the Museum's globe to determine the techniques of construction and nature of the metal. The results of this analysis are included in Chapters 2 and 3 of this paper. Meanwhile the author sought out other globes in American public and private collections, and then extended her search to repositories in England, France, Egypt, and other countries. As each globe was examined, photo- graphed, and documented, the information collected was made part of a case study by means of which it became possible not only to establish the dates and places of origin, but also to relate Islamicate globes in historical perspec- tive with the production of scientific instruments derived from the Greco- Roman tradition in the Islamic world. The project became a rewarding adventure in historical detective work as the author continued to locate and document the 126 globes that are cataloged in this work, consulting with authorities on Islamicate astronomy and instrumentation in the United States and abroad. Almost a full ten years passed before the search was completed and the findings brought together for publication in this paper. This monograph may not be the last to be written on the subject, but as iv NUMBER 46 the first it breaks new ground. Not only will it supplement studies of science in Islam, but will prove to be an invaluable resource for historians of science and of scientific instrumentation in general. Silvio A. Bedini Keeper of the Rare Books Smithsonian Institution PREFACE This historical survey of the design and construction of Islamicate celestial globes and their Greco-Roman antecedents pays particular attention to the products of seventeenth-century Mughal India. The globe that serves as the focus of the study is one of the finest examples of precision workmanship among all the 126 extant Islamicate celestial globes and is, moreover, a seamless hollow cast globe. The fact that many Islamicate globes are hollow seamless metal spheres and that this technique was a speciality of a particular workshop of instrument makers in Lahore seems not to have been noticed until this study was begun 12 years ago. In order to properly assess the products of the Lahore workshop, as much information as possible was needed concerning other Islamicate celestial globes. This author's effort to assemble this information resulted in the catalog of all Islamicate celestial globes known as of the spring of 1982 to be extant. The many references to celestial globes throughout this study are keyed to the entry numbers in this catalog, which comprises chapter 6 of this study. It is hoped that with this publication even more celestial globes now in small museums and private collections will come to light and be made available for study by scholars so that a fuller picture will emerge of the development of the design and construction techniques. While the study was in press six entries (Nos. 127-132) were added to the catalog; these globes do not figure, however, in the general analyses and comparisons made elsewhere in the book. In order to appropriately designate the non-religious aspects of the com- plex of cultural traditions in a society historically associated with the religion of Islam, some term other than "Islamic" is needed. I have chosen to use Islamicate, for whereas the word "Islamic" refers to subjects directly related to, growing out of, or affected by the religion of Islam, Islamicate can be used to refer to objects or cultural features that are not related directly to the religion but are often based on traditions taken over from other cultures and nurtured and developed by Muslims and non-Muslims alike. When speaking of science and technology in the Islamic world, Islamicate is a particularly appropriate term, as this topic of celestial globes illustrates. These globes represent a tradition of instrument design inherited from the Hellen- istic, Roman, and Byzantine worlds, and except for minor points of design and considerable progress in construction techniques, that tradition, unaf- fected by religious belief or dogma, remained essentially unchanged through the end of the nineteenth century. Among the makers of the instruments and the authors of treatises on celestial globes there were Christians, Muslims, and Hindus, and the languages used in their works included Arabic, Persian, Indo-Persian, Ottoman Turkish, and even Sanskrit. Yet all are representative of a secular culture shared by an enormous area from Spain to the Indus that vi NUMBER 46 vii was marked by the domination, at one time or another, of the political- religious structure of Islam, in what has been loosely termed the Islamic world, or Islamdom. All the extant globes, whether from Spain or India, whether made by Muslim or non-Muslim, whether inscribed in Arabic, Persian, or Sanskrit, reflect an aspect of the culture of Islamdom. The examination of the Mughal celestial globe's design and construction and that of its historical antecedents came about after the National Museum of American History (then the National Museum of History and Technology) acquired (at first on loan) the anonymous and undated globe in 1972. That globe became the primary object of this investigation. My study and analysis of the globe was instigated and encouraged by Silvio A. Bedini, presently Keeper of the Rare Books and former Deputy Director of the National Museum of History and Technology; Dr. Uta C. Merzbach, Curator of the Division of Mathematics; and Deborah J. Warner, Associate Curator of the Division of Physical Sciences, where the globe is presently located. The laboratory analysis of the globe was carried out by Maurice Salmon, formerly of the Conservation and Analytical Laboratory of the National Museum of American History. For reasons completely beyond the control of the present author, the analysis has not been published. It is hoped that it will be subsequently published in detail and interpreted by someone more knowl- edgeable then myself in such matters. I was most fortunate in being able to have an art historian, Andrea P.A. Belloli of the Los Angeles County Art Museum, contribute to this study a chapter on the iconography of the Smithsonian globe. Using art historical evidence she analyses the products of this Mughal workshop and attributes the globe to one particular designer and scientific instrument maker within this large workshop—arriving at the same conclusion to which I was forced independently by the examination of the linguistic and technical features of the globe. I wish to express my special thanks to her for undertaking this chapter and so rigorously meeting all appointed deadlines. She bears no responsibility, however, for whatever errors or misinterpretations are to be found elsewhere in this study. The nature of the study has necessarily involved a large number of people who have given assistance in various ways. The author is particularly indebted to the enormous assistance given through conversations by Francis R. Mad- dison, Curator of the History of Science Museum, University of Oxford, who made many valuable suggestions based on his extensive knowledge of Islam- icate scientific instruments. In addition, both he and Alain Brieux of Paris most generously placed at my disposal all the files for their comprehensive repertoire of signed or dated Islamicate scientific instruments, which they are preparing jointly. Among the persons who gave liberally of their time to supply needed information and answer queries I would particularly like to mention Anthony J. Turner of Le Mesnil-le-Roi, France, and Roderick and Marjorie Webster, Curators of the Adler Planetarium, Chicago, as well as acknowledge the kind assistance of R.G.W. Anderson, formerly Assistant Keeper of the Department of Technology, the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh, and now with the viii SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY Science Museum, London; Madame Marthe Bernus-Taylor, Conservateur a la Section Islamique, Musee du Louvre; D.J. Bryden, formerly of the Whipple Museum of the History of Science, University of Cambridge; Professor D.J. de Solla Price of Yale University whose untimely death occurred just before publication; Dr. Muammer Dizer, Director of the History of Science Museum, Kandilli Observatory, Istanbul; Michael Robinson, Assistant Keeper, Depart- ment of Art, Ulster Museum, Belfast; J.S. Simons, Technician, Museum of the History of Science, University of Oxford; Professor Cyril Stanley Smith, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; and Christopher Terrell, Curator of Hydrography of the National Maritime Museum, London. Helpful sugges- tions regarding one or more of the signature inscriptions were given by Dr. Ismail K. Poonawala, Department of Near Eastern Languages, UCLA, and James R. Reid and Mehri Reid of the Von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies, UCLA, and some brief linguistic enquiries were answered by Julian Baldick of Wolfson College, University of Oxford; Beatrice F. Manz and Menuchechr Mohandessi of Harvard University; Serge Obolenski of the U.S. Foreign Service; and Mary Chase Smith of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. The author also wishes to thank Judy Erickson von Gunten, who translated Spanish texts for my use and drew sketches of constellation figures from several globes. Many museums and private collectors assisted by graciously allowing me to examine the globes or by supplying photographs: Madame Marthe Bernus- Taylor, Conservateur a la Section Islamique, Musee du Louvre; Alain Brieux of Paris; Michael V. Butler, Curator of Physics, Cranbrook Institute of Science, Bloomfield Hills, Michigan; Marcel Destombes of Paris, who kindly let me examine his very important personal collection of Islamicate globes; Jan Dolman, Assistant Curator, the Time Museum, Rockford, Illinois; Wa- fiyya Ezzi (deceased), former director, and Abu El-Ra^Cif Ali Yousuf current director, the Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo; Mr. and Mrs. David H.H. Felix of Philadelphia; Kenneth A. Lohf, Librarian for Rare Books and Manuscripts, Butler Library, Columbia University, New York; A.E.R. North, Department of Metalwork, and A.G. Mitchell, Indian Section, of the Victoria and Albert Museum, London; Miss Dorothy E. Miner, Librarian, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore; R.H. Pinder-Wilson, former Deputy Director of the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum, London; D. Morgan Rees (de- ceased), former Keeper of the Department of Industry, the National Museum of Wales (now the Welsh Industrial and Maritime Museum, Amgueddfa Diwydiant a Mor Cymru), Cardiff; A.N. Stimson, Curator of Navigation, and Miss Drucilla Bates, of the National Maritime Museum, London (Greenwich); A.C. Thompson, Keeper, and R.G.W. Anderson, Assistant Keeper, of the Department of Technology, the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh; The Reverend F.J. Turner, S.J., Librarian, Stonyhurst College, Lancashire, Eng- land; and Antony Vincent, Department of Astronomy and Geophysics, the Science Museum, London. In addition to those mentioned earlier, others at the Smithsonian have given advice and assistance, including Esin Atil of the Freer Gallery of Art; William T. Chase of the Conservation Laboratory of the Freer Gallery of NUMBER 46 IX Art; George Norton, museum specialist of the Division of Physical Sciences of the National Museum of American History; and Robert Organ, Chief of the Conservation and Analytical Laboratory of the National Museum of American History. I also wish to express my appreciation to Rebecca Curzon, publications coordinator of the National Museum of American History, who consistently showed interest and courtesy in handling the publication of this study; Alice Gergely of the National Museum of American History who patiently typed the tables; and Theresa J. Slowik, technical publications editor of the Smithsonian Institution Press, who meticulously groomed and pre- pared the manuscript for press. There are, of course, many scholars whose previous writings were of fundamental usefulness to this study; among them I would particularly mention P. Kunitzsch, whose studies of Arabic star nomenclature must be extensively employed in any discussion of the topic. Furthermore, any ex- amination of Islamicate celestial globes is necessarily indebted to the studies of some of the early globes by Marcel Destombes, who at the time of his recent death was nearing completion of an analysis of Islamicate celestial globes prior to AD 1500, giving special attention to the star names. In addition to the photographs of the Smithsonian globe prepared by the photographic laboratory of the National Museum of American History, there are other photographs used in this publication, a number of which were most generously supplied by Alain Brieux of Paris, while the Musee du Louvre, the Whipple Museum of the History of Science, the National Maritime Museum (London-Greenwich), the Royal Scottish Museum, the Time Mu- seum of Rockford, Illinois, and Columbia University also furnished photo- graphs of items in their collections. Three photographs of unknown origin are drawn from the files of the History of Science Museum, Oxford, and the Whipple Museum of the History of Science, Cambridge. The author wishes to thank the Adler Planetarium, Chicago; Alain Brieux of Paris; the British Museum; Columbia University, New York; the Cranbrook Institute of Sci- ence, Michigan; Musee du Louvre; the Museum of the History of Science, Oxford; the National Maritime Museum, London (Greenwich); the Royal Scottish Museum; Stonyhurst College, Lancashire, England; the Time Mu- seum, Illinois; the Victoria and Albert Museum; the Welsh Industrial and Maritime Museum; and the Whipple Museum of the History of Science, for granting permission to publish photographs. To the constant support and inspiration of M.B.S., friend, lover, scholar, crank, this study is dedicated. Emilie Savage-Smith Islamicate Celestial Globes: Their History, Construction, and Use Emilie Savage-Smith INTRODUCTION The globe that is the particular focus of the study is an anonymous and undated hollow metal seamless sphere. It shows about 1022 inlaid silver stars and has 48 constellation figures and numer- ous star names engraved on its surface. The attribution of this globe to a particular maker was arrived at independently by an historian of science and an art historian (Andrea P.A. Belloli). Thus, the conclusions given here may serve as a case study of how scholars having different view- points and employing different methodologies can approach the same body of evidence and arrive at the same conclusions without knowl- edge of one another's findings. Both scholars, one using art historical evidence and the other linguistic and technological arguments, agreed upon a definite attribution to one particular de- signer and scientific instrument maker within a large workshop. The globe is a fine example of the Mughal Indian celestial globes of the seven- teenth century, a period that has received rela- tively little attention and is thoroughly within the tradition of medieval Islamicate scientific thought. This particular globe is, moreover, one of the finest examples of precision instrument making among all the extant Islamicate celestial globes. This globe is also a good example of constructing a globe by casting a hollow seamless Emilie Savage-Smith, Gustave E. von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90024. sphere using the cire perdue (lost wax) method— an intricate process in which a particular family workshop of astrolabe makers in Lahore excelled during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. There is some evidence that the technique might have developed outside of northwestern India and as early as the thirteenth century, though unfortunately all the evidence for this theory rests on globes whose authenticity is question- able. The seamless nature of certain Islamicate metal globes was not recognized until this study was undertaken. These Islamicate celestial globes are the only known examples of hollow cast seamless spheres. NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION AND DATES.— With the Arabic I have tried to follow for the most part the orthography rather than the pro- nunciation, emphasizing the element of reversi- bility in the transliteration. I have employed bas- ically the Library of Congress System with a few of the variations given by Hodgson (9-10). A macron rather than a circumflex has been used to indicate long vowels. The Arabic article is never assimilated to the following noun. The douh\eyd^ after kasrah is written as iy rather than iyy, and the hamzah at the start of a word is omitted. The final a written in Arabic with ayd^ {alif maqsurah) is written as -a. The feminine ending of a noun or adjective is indicated by a td'' marbutah, which is a combination of an h with the diacritical marks of a ^ and pronounced some- times as an h and sometimes as a t and sometimes 1 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY not at all. In this study it is usually written as an h, except when the word occurs before a noun in the genitive or construct state {iddfah), in which case it is written as a t. For example, by itself the word for "work" or "opus" would be san"ah, but in the statement "the work of Yiinus ibn al-Husayn al-Asturlabl" it would be written as san"at Yunus ibn al-Husayn al-Asturldbi. In the case of transliterating Persian and Indo- Persian, 1 have tended to transliterate the words with the same alphabet used for the Arabic with the addition of four letters p, ch, zh, and g. In this procedure I deviate from the system em- ployed by the Library of Congress. Thus I write Diya" al-DTn instead of Ziya^ ad-DTn. It is with some regret that I do this, for I recognize that Persian is a separate language despite the fact that it is written with the Arabic alphabet. The choice was made, however, because I am a better Arabist than Persianist and because Arabic is the basic language of all the globes, except for the two with Sanskrit inscriptions, with the Persian and Indo-Persian (and in one case Ottoman Turkish) occurring, except for a few minor words, only in the signature inscriptions. The reader will find in Chapter 8 all the signature inscriptions on the globes written in Arabic and Persian alphabets. Throughout the study, dates given in the Is- lamic era, that of the Hijrah, are designated by H, while those of the common Christian or Gre- gorian calendar are indicated by AD (anno Dom- ini). Whenever a reference occurs to a century with no designation of calendar, the common Christian era is intended. Because this study is written in a European language, 1 have tended to give only the equivalent Christian dates when greater specificity seemed unnecessary. When referring to the date of a particular product, I place the Hijrah date first followed by the Chris- tian date. Thus in the historical sections a date of a product will have the form 622 H/AD 1225- 1226. The actual date on Islamicate scientific instruments and treatises is not given in the Christian era (with one exception on a single globe), but in that of the Hijrah or some other Eastern calendar (see Table 5 in Chapter 7 for all the calendrical eras used on Islamicate globes). NOTE ON REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY.— The references in this book use a shortened form that has been devised to overcome the difficulties of dealing with classical texts and scientific works within the same system. Each work listed in the Bibliography is alphabetized under its shortened form—usually the author's or editor's name, and either an abbreviated title or the year of publi- cation. These short forms are used in the notes to Chapters 1-5 and in the Citations sections in the Catalog. In the discussion of the Constellations in Chapter 5, where a limited number of treatises are used repeatedly, the short forms are used in the text itself and refer the reader directly to the Bibliography. For classical works, the traditional system of book and line numbers has been used; e.g.. Ho- mer//., 11,15 refers to Book II line 15 of Homer's Iliad. For Aratus's poem, Phaenomena, line num- bers are given. Thus these references can be found easily in any edition. Where a particular translation has been quoted, the translator is specified and page numbers are given. For more contemporary sources the short form of the ref- erence is followed by volume and page numbers as necessary; e.g., EI [2], 4:387 refers to page 387 in Volume 4 of the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. Historical Overview 1. A History of Celestial Globes in the Greco-Roman and Islamic Worlds From Zeus let us begin; him do we mortals never leave unnamed . . . for himself it was who set the signs in heaven, and marked out the constellations, and for the year devised what stars chiefly should give to men right signs of the seasons, to the end that all things might grow unfailingly. Aratus Phaenomena Patterns of stars and their collective movement across the sky have been of interest to people from the earliest historical periods. The stars have been commonly, though perhaps not uni- versally,^ perceived as though attached to the inside of a hollow sphere enclosing and rotating about the earth. It is therefore reasonable that the earliest attempts to represent in a model the arrangement and movement of the stars were by means of a celestial globe. The earth, which was known to be spherical from early classical antiq- uity, was imagined at the center of the globe, while the stars were placed on the globe so that the resulting model presented the stars as seen by an observer outside the sphere of fixed stars. Consequently, the relative positions of the stars on a celestial globe are the reverse, east to west, of their appearance when viewed from the sur- face of the earth. In antiquity, the idea of constructing a physical model to represent certain celestial phenomena appears to have been peculiarly Greek, as was the attempt to represent the known world on a terrestrial globe, if we can accept as authentic the few references to terrestrial globes.^ Tradi- tion has it that Anaximander of Miletus (610- 547 Bc) made a map of the earth and sea and made a globe {(T Pb > Zn > Sn), with a trace of other elements, and with the lead always over 12%. The reasons for employing such a lead-rich alloy in casting would be the resulting lower casting temperature and the greater fluidity of the alloy, which would be quite important in filling a spherical mould. Moreover, greater malleability is obtained, which is particularly use- ful if decoration is to be engraved on the object.^^ The laboratory found the walls of the sphere to be unexpectedly thin (0.47-1.0 mm) in rela- tion to the diameter (217 mm) of the sphere and in relation to the weight (2976.7 gr). Again, the lead-rich alloy would account for the unexpected weight.^" On the basis of a recently published anthro- pological survey of metalworking techniques and workshops in India^' combined with the results of the laboratory analysis conducted at the Smith- sonian, we can conjecture a fairly detailed picture of the procedure that might have been followed in manufacturing such a globe by lost-wax cast- ing. The first step would be to form a center spher- ical mould, which might be either solid or hollow. A solid center mould would have been quite heavy, but would hold more firmly on the lathe. If hollow, it could have been built up by using ropes or coils of clay and building and shaping it into a sphere much as is done in making clay bowls. If solid it might be formed from earth with cow or goat dung (presoaking the dung in water and grinding it in a mortar and pestle and then grinding it with equal amounts of clay); or with equal amounts of sticky clay, sandy clay, and old cloth; or with river clay and bran.^^ The spherical mould thus formed would be allowed to dry, and a hole would be bored in it by which it could be placed on the turning-lathe and turned until quite smooth and spherical. A wax wrap would then be applied to the center mould. Beeswax is formed into wires by forcing it through a sieve so that each filament has the same thickness. The wires of wax are then neatly wrapped around the core and smoothed with a knife. The center mould with wax wrap is then turned on the lathe, producing a wax covering about 0.5-2.0 mm thick, with an opening where it had been inserted on the lathe. No design is put into the wax, for in the case of celestial globes all decoration is engraved later onto the finished cast product. An outside investment of clay is then necessary to complete the mould, but before that can be done several preliminary steps must be com- pleted. Channels must be added to the wax wrap to serve as runners (also called feeders). To do this, wax wires could be attached to the wax wrap 94 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY (and then coated with the outside clay mould except for their upper ends). These melt when heated and leave hollow channels connecting with the then open wax space where the wax wrap had been.^^ Bamboo sticks could also be placed just touching the wax wrap. These would be coated with the outside clay and when the clay was dry, removed to leave a hollow tube. The placement of these channels is very important, particularly in the production of a sphere. Armatures (also called chaplets) must also be inserted. When the wax runs out of the mould the two surfaces of the mould would fall together unless prevented by some supports. To prevent this the maker must, before the outer clay coat is applied, insert pins or nails, driving them through the wax and into the center core. These will be imbedded in the outer clay mould. If the worker is skilled, the nails will be of the same alloy as the main casting. The armatures must be positioned evenly over the surface, up to twenty or so in number, depending on the size of the casting. Then the wax wrap, and runners and arma- tures, must be covered with clay. This must be done soon after the wax wrap is formed or it will harden and crack. The outside clay investment most frequently employed today in India is made of sandy river soil moistened and ground to a fine paste. If an especially smooth surface is re- quired (which would probably be the case with a globe) the earth is mixed with cow dung. The paste is applied over the wax wrap until it is about 10 mm thick. When this has dried, the mould is then recoated with common earth and bran (or clay, goat dung, and sand, or a mixture of ant-hill dirt and rice husk) until the coat is about 25 mm thick. At this point the bore in the center core by which it had been turned on the lathe would need to be filled. The completed mould is then inverted and baked. The wax runs out through the runners and the main opening in the outside encasement. The wax is usually recovered to be reused later. The actual casting of the object was probably done by a different craftsman from the one who made the mould, as is seen in contemporary workshops in India. The main pouring point (called a sprue) was probably the opening in the wax wrap where it was inserted onto the lathe. Possibly some of the runners were used as addi- tional pouring points. Other runners would be allowed to fill up as the mould was poured. The alloy would continue to be poured until it rose in the runners. The alloy contracts when cooling to such an extent that runners containing extra alloy are needed to fill the spaces. If there are an insufficient number of runners, a pock-marked area of porosity will result in the finished prod- uct, which must then be filled with plugs. This appears to be a major problem in casting a sphere, judging from Smithsonian globe, which has such an area. When the metal is cool, the outside mould is broken off and the runners and armatures cut away. To remove the inside mould, a circular plug had to be cut out (usually 40 to 60 mm in diameter and probably at the sprue). Through this opening the inside was dug out, a most laborious and tedious process. And through this opening all work on the inside took place. The armatures in most such castings are merely broken off and then polished down on the outside, leaving a stump protruding on the inside of the mould. This appears to have been done with many of the armatures on the Smith- sonian globe, but some also seem to have been removed and plugs inserted, made of the same batch of alloy as the body of the globe. In the Smithsonian globe nearly all the plugs (except the two largest ones one of which was the last to be put into place) were actually hammered into place from the inside and then smoothed and polished on the outside, using no solder. The laboratory analysis of the Smithsonian globe dis- closed 74 plugs in the globe. The large round plug where the sprue was and the last to be placed in the globe is indicated by arrows in Figure 77. It is rather difficult to detect on the globe unless you already know where to look. Most of the smaller plugs are equally difficult to see, if not more so. On many globes this large round plug is quite obvious (see Figure 12), Occasionally the final plug has the shape of a figure-eight, as seen NUMBER 46 95 in Figure 18. This final plug would have beveled edges and be held in place with soft solder. There are globes in which the large plug has been removed and the beveled edges of the surround- ing area of the globe can be seen (see Figure 36, where the plug was pryed out of the globe). Some sprue plugs are elongated ovals. There are some globes (e.,g,, Nos, 23, 44, 85, and 87) that have two large round plugs placed precisely opposite each other on opposite sides of the sphere; why they are so positioned is unknown. Some of the globes are biased in weight (e.g., No. 23) proba- bly because of a thick and heavy plug causing the uneven distribution of weight. The globe illus- trated in Figure 25 has the final plug made of an entirely different alloy from the rest of the globe. Figures 51 and 54 show a weak area that probably occurred because of poorly placed run- ners. In this area there are 17 large plugs, 7 small square ones, and 6 round ones, some of which are indicated by arrows. Most of these were hammered from the inside as is evident from the mushroom shape of the interior surface of the plugs. Rectangular or irregularly shaped plugs are generally the result of patching an area where the alloy contracted and was not properly filled with the alloy in the runners. Similar ones are indicated in Figures 6 and 35, The small circular plugs usually indicate the location of armatures. In Figure 11 two can be seen to be of a different alloy, while the two of the same alloy as the globe are nearly invisible. The globe illustrated in Fig- ure 26 has several visible circular plugs, the larg- est one probably being a patch rather than an armature. This particular globe is missing its large round plug at the sprue hole. One of the circular armatures is visible in Figure 58 (marked by the arrow) and a large one can be seen in Figures 61 and 62. After the casting and plugging process was completed the sphere would be turned on a lathe and polished; after the engraving and placement of the stars it was polished again (evidence of polishing is visible in Figure 35). Scrubbing the product with different compounds could pro- duce various finishes. For example, a scrubbing with tamarind water and sand produces a matte finish. Perhaps some such compound was used to produce the very dark, nearly black matte finish on globe No. 28 (Figures 40, 43, and 47). Occa- sionally globes (Nos. 100 and 115) have a black or brown surface coloring that is not "fast" (it rubs off when energetically scoured). It obscures seam lines, plugs, and other evidence of construc- tion. One method of obtaining such a surface coloring is to heat the item and smear it with a mixture of charred coconut fibre and mustard oil. As the metal cools, the color sets.^^ In the workshops there was probably much division and specialization of labor, just as can be seen in workshops today,^^ where several artisans are involved in producing the basic item and other craftsmen work on designing and engrav- ing the finished product. The precision and the uniformity in the sphericity of a seamless globe cast by cire perdue is impressive. The workshops in the Punjab and western Himalayas seem to have specialized in this extraordinary technique of producing celestial globes from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. Only pride of craftsmanship could have justified the enormous expenditure of time and effort that went into such a technique, when much simpler methods using hemispheres had long been available. The products of these Indian workshops display ad- mirable skill on the part of the artisans in forming a nearly perfect sphere and inscribing it accu- rately and precisely. One of the finest examples of their products is the Smithsonian globe (No. 38), which is the particular subject of Chapters 3, 4, and 5. The Smithsonian Globe 3. Description and Attribution The Pleiades will mount up in security from the aggression of Capella and Aldebaran, And the Milky Way will show forth as a she-camel cleaving to her young, the twin stars of Ursa Minor drawing near to her Taurus. The Lord of the heavens and earth will reveal Himself to us in His justice and compassion, And the colonialists will acknowledge defeat, and the lands will shine forth in prosperity. Ma"rijf al-RusafT Diwdn The anonymous and undated Islamicate celes- tial globe now in the collection of the Smithson- ian Institution, National Museum of American History (Division of Physical Sciences, Inventory No. 330,781) was acquired in 1974 from the collection of Ernst Nagel of San Francisco. (The globe was on loan to the Museum from 1972.) This metal seamless globe has a diameter of 217 mm. The thickness of the wall varies from 0.47 mm to 1.00 mm. The globe weighs 2976.7 grams. It is the sixth largest extant Islamicate globe, and is one of only two celestial globes preserved today to be graduated by half-degrees. For overall views see Figures 51, 73, 76, 82, 88, and the cover. The globe has 48 constellation outlines, which were engraved after the stars (represented by silver points) were placed upon it. A small part of the globe in the region of Serpens (see Figure 59), which probably contained three stars, is now missing. Assuming this to be the case, the total number of stars represented by the maker is 1019. This total included one star not in the catalog of Ulugh Beg or al-SQfi, but described by al-SQfi as the "overlooked star" in the tail of Ursa Major, by which a man could test his vision. Clearly this star was purposefully added to the globe, for it bears the label al-suhd (the over- looked one); this star occurs occasionally on other globes as well (see Nos. 4, 5, and 6 of the Cata- log). In four constellations the maker inadvertently placed an extra star (in Pisces, Lupus, Libra with an extra external star, and Taurus with an extra star in the Pleiades), and in four constellations he omitted a star (Scorpio, Aquarius, Canis Ma- jor, and Corona Australis). The positions of the stars (their celestial longitude measured along the ecliptic), correspond roughly to what they would have been in the second quarter of the seventeenth century allowing for an appropriate increment in the longitudes. They are identical to the star positions found on the signed globes produced during the seventeenth century by the Lahore workshop. The constellations as well as many of the stars are labeled in Arabic, written in naskhi script in a manner suggesting an Eastern hand, though it is not the nasta^'liq used in Persia. The maker misspells 21 out of 48 times the word for con- stellation {surah), writing it with a terminal form of td"' rather than a td"' marbutah. (A similar mixture of spelling occurs on globes Nos. 11, 13, 18, 20, 22, 23, 27, 28, and 30.) Some elementary grammatical errors and irregular genitive con- structions are evident in the Arabic, such as surat "uqdb for the more acceptable siirat al-"uqdb (the constellation of the eagle), and surat hUt janubi instead of surat al-hut al-janubi {the constellation of the southern fish). These elementary errors indicate that Arabic was probably not the native tongue of the maker, while the script itself indi- 96 NUMBER 46 97 cates the globe came from the Eastern part of the Islamic world. The style of dress worn by the human constel- lation figures is clearly Mughal—that is, from western India of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This style is shared by globes Nos. 11- 15, 18-24, 26-28, and 30, all of which were produced by the Lahore workshop in the seven- teenth century. Having made a general attribution on the basis of the star positions and the general style of the constellation figures, it is possible to go further and make a specific attribution to a particular maker. This can be done on the basis of two approaches, each of which independently pro- vides sufficient evidence to conclusively establish the identity of the maker. The first argument is based upon technical terminology and astronom- ical features of the Smithsonial globe, and follows immediately. The second is based on the icon- ography, and is presented in Chapter 4 by An- drea P,A. Belloli, In Ursa Major the two stars on the lower front paw are labeled tatimmat qafzah al-thdlithah (the complement of the third leap), while in Pegasus the star in the northernmost hoof bears an un- deciphered label, mrhlt al-faras. Furthermore, in the constellation Perseus the star name written in the sword held overhead is written as mu"tasam al-thurayyd (the refuge of the Pleiades), which must be a misspelling of mi"sam al-thurayyd (the wrist of the Pleiades). These terms are not known to occur in any star catalog nor on any globes or astrolabes except the globes No. 11 and No. 13, made by Qa^im Muhammad ibn "Isa ibn Allah- dad AsturlabT LahQrT HumayQnT made in 1032 H/AD 1622-1623 and AD 1626-1627 (the twenty-second year of the reign of JahangTr) and illustrated in Figures 13,37,38, and 42. On both of these globes the identical terms are very clearly inscribed. The two other globes by Qa^im Muhammad (Nos. 12 and 14) were not available for detailed study, and it is not known if these terms occur on them as well. These very unusual terms appear to be unique characteristics of the globes bearing the name of Qa^im Muhammad and do not occur on any other globes, even those made by or supervised by his son Diya" al-DTn Muhammad or his nephew Hamid. Unfortu- nately the globe by Qa^'im Muhammad's brother Muhammad MuqTm (No. 15) was also unavailable for close study, but from the available photo- graph appears to be of a different style from Qa'^im Muhammad's products. The positioning of the sequence of lunar man- sions along the ecliptic as done on the Smithson- ian globe is known to occur on only one other globe, that being the earliest globe made by Qa^im Muhammad (No. 11), On these two globes, the first lunar mansion is placed at 13° House of Aries with the twenty-eighth lunar mansion at the vernal equinox, in contrast to the usual arrangement, in which the first mansion is at the vernal equinox and the second about 13° House of Aries (see Chapter 5).' Moreover, the maker of the Smithsonian globe has numbered the ecliptic continuously from the vernal equinox. On all other globes but one the graduations of the ecliptic are numbered in 30° intervals. This one exception is again the earliest globe by Qa^im Muhammad (No. 11) where he labels the ecliptic continuously from the vernal equinox as well as giving it a second set of num- bers which divide it into 30° intervals. Finally, the star positions on the Smithsonian globe are identical to those on the globes by Qa^im Mu- hammad that have been examined. In the subsequent chapter Andrea P.A. Belloli also attributes the globe to Qa^im Muhammad, based on the iconography of the workshop. For these reasons this anonymous and undated globe can with confidence be attributed to Qa^im Mu- hammad ibn Tsa ibn Allahdad AsturlabT LahurT HumayunT. The construction of the Smithsonian globe appears to be like the other examples of the Lahore workshop—hollow, metal, and seamless, with several plugs visible. The Analytic and Con- servation Laboratory of the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution undertook an extensive analysis of this globe, involving radiography, metallography, and metal analysis. It is to be hoped that this detailed analysis will be published. For the moment it must suffice to give some of the general conclu- sions. 98 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY The radiography proved convincingly that the globe was not raised from a metal disc, but rather was cast as a hollow, seamless globe by the cire perdue method. Seventy-four plugs were found in the globe, only a few of which are easily visible. All are made of the same alloy as the rest of the globe. The alloy was found to have copper as the primary component, with over 30% lead, plus zinc, tin, and traces of other metals, A large round plug, rather difficult to see, is found at the end of Eridanus (see Figure 77), This plug is at the place where the sprue was located—that is, where the alloy was poured into the mold, A weak area occurred around Draco, Cepheus, Hercules, and Serpens, where there is a small part missing (see Figure 59), and there are in this region 17 large plugs, 7 small square ones, and 6 round ones, the latter being the location of armatures or chaplets which protrude on the inside. Some of the plugs are indicated by arrows in Figures 50, 52, and 54. Many of the plugs were hammered into place from the inside. This is evident from the mushroom shape of the in- terior surface of the plugs. Soft solder was em- ployed in securing the large plugs. The globe was turned on a lathe for smoothing and polishing. The precision and the uniformity in the sphericity of the globe is impressive. This is generally true of seamless cast globes. The alloy employed was highly leaded, prob- ably to increase the fluidity. The circles, gradu- ations, figures, and writing are engraved, not etched, and it is evident that the engraving of the figures was done after the placement of the stars, for some of the outlines are incised over the stars. The silver studs used to represent the stars were soldered in; they do not go all the way through the wall of the globe. Although analytic tests have been conducted on only this one globe, which we feel certain was produced by Qa^im Muhammad of the seven- teenth-century Lahore workshop, it is likely that the other globes by the workshop were made by the same cire perdue process, as were probably other products of northwestern India. The three apparently seamless globes that appear to be of an earlier date and from outside of India (Nos. 6, 9 and 60 illustrated in Figures 6, 7, and 8) were also likely to have been made by the lost- wax method and of a similar heavily leaded alloy. Twenty-one celestial globes were produced by this workshop and inscribed with the name of the master craftsman and the date of completion. The question naturally arises as to why this globe was not similarly inscribed. It is quite probable that the maker, after completing the tedious construction of the sphere and the precise place- ment of the stars, the drawing and graduation of the great circles, delineation of the constellation figures and labeling of the stars, began to draw the equatorial tropic circles. In the northern hemisphere of this globe a lesser circle parallel to the equator but not in the position of the Tropic of Cancer was partially drawn (see Fig- ures 73 and 76). It would seem that having started to draw the tropics, the maker discovered that he had placed the northern circle too far from the equator. For this reason the maker may have stopped incising the circle and ceased work altogether on the globe, for such an error in engraving would be impossible to correct. This may well be the reason the globe bears no mak- er's signature and date, which were no doubt the last items to be added to a globe. 4. The Constellation Figures on the Smithsonian Globe Andrea P.A. Belloli Over the black dome of the sky the veil hangs deep, Whereon the stars soft-cradled lie. Like flowers asleep. Ilyas Abii Shabakah Night-presence The purpose of this chapter' is to examine the Smithsonian celestial globe (No. 38 in the cata- log) not as a technical device, but as an art historical document. The interest of such an object for the art historian lies most specifically, of course, in the constellation figures on its sur- face. Ideally, an analysis of these figures in stylis- tic and iconographic terms can complement tech- nical study by providing a way to suggest or verify attributions of anonymous, undated objects to particular metal-workers. Thus, the argument that follows is presented in terms particular to the discipline of art history, with a methodologi- cal caveat. An attempt will be made to put aside the aesthetically based terminology used by scholars such as Wellesz in favor of a factual examination of what were, first and foremost, pure and simple diagrams. Our aim, then, is to formulate a firm attribution and date for the Smithsonian globe itself on the basis of stylistic criteria objectively described and evaluated, just as one would evaluate information gathered from a written rather than a visual document. Factors to be considered include the particular manner in which the basic constellation dia- grams, known from earlier globes and the al-SufT manuscript tradition, were rendered in this in- stance; the iconographic peculiarities of the fig- ures and their relation to counterparts on earlier Andrea P.A. Belloli, 1169 Lida Street, Pasadena, CA 91103. and contemporary globes; and the significance of contemporary factors relevant to the globe's manufacture. Each constellation figure on the Smithsonian globe is presented in simple outline form. The use of such an outline to delineate each figure is a feature common both to the illustrations to the manuscripts of al-SQfi's Kitdb suwar al-kawdkib (Book of the Constellations of the Stars) and to most Islamic globes. The garments of the human fig- ures on the Smithsonian globe have none of the tiny, nervous folds and bunched undulations seen in early al-SQfT illustrations such as those in Ox- ford Bodleian MS Marsh 144 (dated 400 H/AD 1009-1010).^ Rather, the drawing of the figures on the Smithsonian globe is clear and straight- forward; groupings of parallel straight or curved lines or hatchings to indicate surface texture or pattern are kept to a bare minimum. Such deco- rated areas include Virgo's wings, a cross- hatched detail on Cassiopeia's throne, and the striped or pleated kilt-like skirts worn by Her- cules and Serpentarius, as well as the scaley bod- ies of Pisces, Draco, and Serpens. Many of the human figures, including Auriga, Hercules, Ser- pentarius, Virgo, Orion, and Aquarius, have been rendered with two left or two right feet, while on some figures the hands have too many or too few fingers (e.g., Virgo, Hercules, Cas- siopeia, and Aquarius). Both Perseus's and Her- cules's left arms, which are raised over their 99 100 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY heads, end in right hands. Almost all of the human figures have roughly heart-shaped faces with broad, smooth fore- heads; some have slightly pointed chins, while others possess squared-off jaws. The one excep- tion is Virgo, whose head is longer and more truly rectangular in appearance, perhaps to ac- commodate the two large stars that fall here on her cheeks; although these are not labeled on the globe, al-SQfT refers to them as no. 3 al-shimdli min al-ithnin al-tdliyin li-humd fi al-wajh (the northerly of the two consecutive stars on the face) and no. 4 amyalhumd ila al-janub (the one more inclined toward the south of the two stars).^ Most of the figures have prominent ears, some (see Aquarius and Serpentarius) with the pointed or curling lobes seen also on the animal figures of Leo and Draco. The eyes of each figure are almond-shaped, in some cases blank and in others containing single, short hatch-lines to indicate pupils. Simple, comma-like eyebrows and noses formed by slightly curving lines ending in knobby points and simple curls characterize all the fig- ures' physiognomies except for those of Orion and Virgo. The latter figures have eyebrows that join with the bridges of their noses to form continuous lines. Mouths are indicated by single straight or semicircular hatch-marks. Male fig- ures such as Hercules wear moustaches consisting of two broader horizontal incisions between nose and mouth, while the beards of Perseus, Ce- pheus, and Centaurus are formed of short, par- allel striations following the chin-line and culmi- nating in a rough point.'* The hair of all the figures, both male and female, was incised in long, narrow, slightly curving, blade-like forms growing out of the top or back of the head and fanning out slightly at either side; in the case of Hercules and Serpentarius, the leaf-like appear- ance of these coiffures is enhanced by palmette terminations and small knobs or curls. The rendition of human hair styles on the Smithsonian globe is markedly different from conventions observed in al-SufT manuscripts such as Oxford Bodleian MS Marsh 144 and later versions such as those in Leningrad (dated AD 1606) and Copenhagen (dated AD 1601-1602),^ where we are given a sense of contemporary tastes in both male and female coiffures. The maker of the Smithsonian globe rendered human hair (and also certain details of animal fur) in a manner seen in one of its earliest manifestations on globe No. 5 (probably thirteenth to four- teenth century AD),^ On the latter, many of the figures' coiffures are represented as long, blade- like bunchings as are the manes of Leo, Pegasus, Ursa Major, and other animal figures. This con- vention for animal figures may be pre-Islamic, since it can be seen in Oxford Bodleian MS Marsh 144 on figures such as Pegasus,' though the hair of the human figures in that manuscript was painted in large opaque areas of black ink. All of the human figures on the Smithsonian globe wear simple tunics or short skirts, with the exception of the Gemini, whose naked, rubbery bodies are unarticulated save for digits on hands and feet. The representation of the Gemini as naked figures—usually of indeterminate sex—is distinctly more common both on globes and in al-SQfi illustrations than their portrayal as clothed figures.^ The twins are usually seen from the front in three-quarter view with arms out- stretched and overlapping. The human upper torsos of Sagittarius and Centaurus on the Smith- sonian globe also appear to be naked, and are unarticulated as well. Hercules and Serpentarius are bare-legged, and wear short striped or pleated kilt-like skirts; the outlines of Hercules's arms end in half-circles on his chest.^ Both of these male figures appear to be bare-chested, though it may be that double or triple bands at wrists, elbows, and upper arms were intended to be read as drapery folds or decorative bands on fabric, rather than as jewelry worn on bare skin. The supposition that these bands represent sketchily rendered drapery folds is based on a comparison of the garments of relevant figures on the Smithsonian globe with figures on globes of different dates whose clothing was finished off in every detail. On globe No. 5, for example, figures such as Auriga and Perseus wear ring- like or bunched cuffs and tiraz bands,'° while Andromeda on No. 26 (dated 1071 H/AD 1660- 1661) has parallel bands on her cuffs and lower NUMBER 46 101 and upper sleeves." Serpentarius, however, was often represented as a bare-chested figure; ex- amples include the figure on globe No. 5 itself, and that in the Copenhagen al-SufT manuscript.'^ This type of representation appears to have been the exception rather than the rule. What can be said with certainty is that the maker of the Smith- sonian globe did not clearly define the details of dress necessary for any easy reading of each figure as draped or undraped; this stylistic clue will aid us in formulating an attribution of the globe to a specific metal-worker. A number of the other constellation figures on the Smithsonian globe wear garments with unpleated short skirts; in the case of Aquarius and Andromeda, the neckline (or a necklace) is indicated by a row of small circles around the shoulders. This sort of beaded or pearl necklet is an occasional component of Andromeda's cos- tume, and can be seen on globes Nos, 5 and 11;'^ other female figures such as Cassiopeia often wear a similar ornament, although the Smithson- ian Cassiopeia does not. While Aquarius's gar- ment has a simple band at wrist and hems, An- dromeda's is sashed below the belly and has striped borders. Cassiopeia and Perseus wear sim- ilar sashes and, in contrast to the aforementioned figures, wear footgear. Perseus wears winged boots decorated with a scale pattern; he also wears two small pockets or purses at his belt.'"* Four of the male figures (Bootes, Auriga, Or- ion, and Cepheus) wear long-sleeved, short tunics belted or sashed at the waist; these tunics have simple round necklines or wrap around to be fastened at the side. Virgo wears a similar sashed tunic, but it reaches her ankles. Both Auriga and Cepheus have extra bands or sashes at their belts that curve back over their hips. Bootes wears low winged shoes'^ and two pockets or purses at his waist; Cepheus sports knee boots decorated in a large geometric pattern.'® Cepheus, Auriga, and Orion each wear particular headgear: Cepheus, a pointed cap topped by three feather-like forms; Auriga, a circle-like turban with fluttering end; and Orion, a low scalloped cap." The constellations representing real and mythological animals are also outlined in single, roughly continuous lines, with characteristic an- atomical details receiving a bit more attenion than in the human diagrams. The contrast be- tween the rendition of the human constellations according to a single, standardized type and the anatomical individualization of the animal dia- grams is typical of all the extant globes and many of the al-SQfi manuscript illustrations as well; in fact, it is typical of Islamic art in general. Occa- sionally within the al-SQfi cycles, small internal variations in facial type can be observed. The shoulders and haunches of the larger and smaller Canis and Ursa figures on the Smithsonian globe are indicated by internal, gently curving lines, and the two dogs have dainty, rounded paws in contrast to the broader paws with pointed toes of such figures as Leo. Ursa's wide, flat tail is distinguished from the pointed tail of Canis Ma- jor and tufted tails of Canis Minor and Leo.'^ The various creatures have almond-shaped eyes, some with pupils and some without, crescent eyebrows in some cases (see Ursa Major and Delphinus), and, occasionally, bared teeth (see Ursa Major and Capricorn). Paws are articulated by rows of short parallel striations to signify the surface texture of fur or claw; such lines were also placed around necks (see Cetus), under bel- lies (see Ursa Major and Canis Major), and across or along foreheads, as in the case of Cetus and Taurus. The use of such groupings of parallel striations can be seen in Oxford Bodleian MS Marsh 144 and on globe No. 1; in the manuscript, the lines are long, fine, and closely spaced, while on the globe they are short and widely spaced. The convention was also used on globes such as No. 6 (dated 684 H/AD 1285-1286) and No. 11 (dated 1032 H/AD 1622-1623);'^ its presence in two variants on globe No. 1 and in the Marsh manuscript suggest that it would have been char- acteristic of the earliest copies of al-Sufl's trea- tise. On the Smithsonian globe, hatched lines were also used to indicate tails and manes, as were the narrow, pointed, blade-like forms already men- tioned as the device for representing human hair. Body-surface textures were indicated in the case 102 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY of Pisces, Delphinus, and the reptilian figures of Hydra and Draco; the latter constellation has a particularly individualized face with a long, rolled snout, pointed ears, small curved teeth and beard, and a narrow forked tongue.^^ The bodies of these latter beasts are covered with a scale pattern also used for the wing tops of Pegasus and the figure of Virgo. Pegasus's lower wings are hatched in short thinner and thicker lines as are those of Cygnus, apparently to indi- cate the overlapping of successive feathers. It can be seen from this brief analysis of the constellation figures on the Smithsonian globe that the human figures all follow a standard, simple figural type defined by curving, roughly continuous outlines. Harsh angles were avoided although sashes, hair, the corners of hems, and sometimes hands end in single points. Body con- tours appear rubbery, sometimes bulbous, and there is virtually no internal articulation of body parts except for hands, feet, and basic facial features. Details of dress and decoration received minimal attention. It is clear that the individual- ization of each figure was less important than the simple outlining of generalized body forms with the addition of a few attributes. The animal figures were rendered in the same fashion, with long, gently curving outlines, a minimum of pointed or angular forms (except in cases where they are anatomically necessary to the animal's recognizability), and a shorthand or cursory in- dication of skin and fur textures in some in- stances. A stylistic comparison between the Smithson- ian globe figures and those on the other celestial globes listed in the catalog indicates an extremely close affinity between the Smithsonian figures and those on globes (Nos. 11 and 13) signed by Qa^im Muhammad ibn Tsa ibn Allahdad Astur- labT LahurT HumayQnT and dated to the reign of the Mughal ruler JahangTr.^' The attribution of the Smithsonian globe to this maker, or to some- one working closely with him (but not his son piya" al-DTn Muhammad ibn Qa^im Muhammad Mulla Tsa ibn shaykh Allahdad AsturlabT Hu- mayunT LahQrT), can be confirmed by the exam- ination of individual figures as they appear on the Smithsonian globe, globes Nos. 11 and 13, and the group of globes signed by Diya^ al-DTn (Nos. 18, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, and 30).^' The figure of Auriga on the Smithsonian globe sits on bulbous, foreshortened buttocks; his left leg appears to be crossed back over his right knee (see Figure 58). The somewhat cramped posture of this figure on this and other globes may derive from his denomination as mumsik al-a"innah or "the holder of the reins," a name that suggests the figure might sometimes have been imagined as sitting astride an invisible horse rather than standing in the posture of the classical charioteer. Since Auriga was repre- sented in the al-SQfT manuscripts and on globes either with both knees drawn up or in a standing posture,^^ we appear to be dealing with two separate traditions of representing the constella- tion, one more closely allied to the original Greek conception of its appearance. This variation in pose may also have arisen out of the necessity of incorporating two large stars, placed here on Auriga's ankles, within the constellation, Al-sufT calls the star on the western upper ankle, no. 10, alladhi "aid al-ka"b al-aysar (the one on the left ankle-bone), while the star on the eastern lower foot is called no. 11, alladhi "aid al-ka"b al-ayman wa huwa al-mushtarak lahu wa li-l-qarn al-shimdli min al-thawr (the one on the right ankle-bone and it is common to both this position and the northern horn of Taurus),^'* They were variously positioned on globes and in the al-SQfl copies on Auriga's ankles, feet, or legs. The eastern shoulder of the Smithsonian Au- riga figure slopes in a long curve around a large inlaid silver star, labeled mankib dhi al-"indn (up- per arm having the rein), to a rounded elbow held close to his waist. He carries a long upright staff with five crescents along it and a trefoil point from which dangles two tasselled ribbons. This resembles a horse whip and is standard on all extant globes, though it appears in a number of different forms,^'"^ Horse whips are also held by Auriga figures in the al-SQfT manuscripts, though these tend to have thin thongs instead of broad bands,^® Auriga's western shoulder forms an approximately straight line from neck to el- NUMBER 46 103 bow, and he rests his western fist at his belt. It is this fist that on other globes and in the al-SufT manuscripts is shown gripping a narrow folded band, no doubt the reins from which the figure derives his name.^' Auriga's tunic, of unspecified length, has a simple V-neck that curves slightly, and double bands at upper arm, elbow, and wrist. The figure is bald and wears a fluttering turban with a large circle of fabric standing straight up at his forehead to frame two silver stars; al-SQfT refers to these as no. 1 amyal al-ithnin alladhin "aid al-ra"'s ila al-janub (the one of the two on the head which is more inclined toward the south) and no. 2 amyalhumd ila al-shimdli wa huwa fawq al-ra"'s (the one inclined more toward the north, i.e., above the head),^® But for three small variations, this figure re- produces almost exactly the Auriga figures on globe Nos. 11 and 13 by Qa^im Muhammad (see Figures 37 and 38). One variation involves the placement of the constellations right shoulder, which, on the signed globes, more closely mirrors the rounded form of the figures' left shoulders. A second difference can be seen in the rendering of the neck and front band on the tunics of Qa^im Muhammad's figures, neither of whom wears a belt. Instead, Qa^im's Auriga figures grasp their front tunic plackets, which continue in single sinuous lines from rounded necklines down around the figures' seats. Thus the striped band that hangs from Auriga's belt on the Smithsonian globe appears on the other globes as the contin- uation of the tunic's front closure; in all three cases, Auriga's reins have disappeared entirely, and he grasps his own clothing instead. The final variation that sets the Smithsonian globe somewhat apart from globes Nos. 11 and 13 involves the facial features apparently com- mon to figures of Qa^im Muhammad's signed productions. Most of Qa^im's constellation fig- ures have almond eyes with enlarged circular pupils; sometimes the eyes are surrounded by double lines with eyebrows continuous above them. Noses are rendered as slightly lopsided trefoils or double-lobed forms resembling arrow- heads, and, in the case of the Auriga figures on globes Nos. 11 and 13, the horizontal incisions FIGURE 37.—Detail showing Auriga. Globe No. 11, dated in the eighteenth year of the reign of JahangTr (AD 1622- 1623), by Qa^im Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Lan- cashire, Stonyhurst College. (Photo: M.B. Smith) signifying moustache and mouth respectively are accompanied by shorter lines below to indicate chin-clefts. Thus the faces on Qa^im Muham- mad's figures differ somewhat in their idiosyn- cratic rendition from those on the Smithsonian globe, although in all other ways the figures on the three globes are almost identical. The Auriga figure on one of Diya^ al-DTn's globes (No, 23, dated 1068 H/AD 1657-1658) follows the seated posture utilized on his father's 104 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 38.—View showing Auriga, Globe No. 13, dated in the twenty-second year of the reign of Jahangir (AD 1626-1627), by Qa^im Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. London, The Victoria and Albert Museum, Department of Metalwork. (Photo: M.B. Smith) globes, but shows variations that are character- istic of Diya^ al-DTn's work (see Figure 39), These include the rendering of the figure's nose in a wedge shape and the particularization of his two attributes. His horse whip has been transformed into a staff consisting of a row of clusters of leaf- like forms with two blade-like terminations at the top, and his soft hat is shaped like an inverted bowl with a sash around the drooping brim and a pointed finial. As we shall see, this particulari- zation and attention to detail, stylistic character- istics already noted as being conspicuously absent on the Smithsonian globe and the two globes signed by Qa^im Muhammad, are the hallmarks of piya^ al-DTn's mode of working with the tra- ditional constellation figures. The Auriga on another of Diya^al-Din's globes (No, 18, dated 1055 H/AD 1645-1646) departs entirely from the seated posture seen on Qa^im's globes and represents the figure standing or walking. Once again, his headdress and whip have been adjusted; he wears a large, floppy turban with a triangular pin or feather, and carries an oversized whip with toothed and tas- seled bands tied to one end. His short skirt is unpatterned, and his right hand, rather than grasping his tunic placket or reins, holds a simple necklace ending in two large cross-hatched tassels below his belt.^^ Thus, though his wedge-shaped nose and other facial features connect the figure to those on globe No, 23, the posture and outfit- ting have been changed so as to give this Auriga NUMBER 46 105 FIGURE 39.—Detail showing Auriga. Globe No. 23, dated 1068 H/AD I657-I658, by Diya^ al-DTn Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Cardiff, Welsh Industrial and Maritime Museum. (Photo: M.B. Smith) a very different personality; he has been trans- formed from a classical charioteer into a male figure holding a sort of ceremonial staff (the original significance of which is all but lost) and dressed in contemporary clothing.^^ The theory that suggests itself here is that while Qa^im Muhammad worked within a rather limited framework, avoiding experimentation and giving scant attention to the decorative po- tential of the figures with which he covered his globes, his son manipulated the traditional forms used by his father, embroidering and adjusting them here and there during his career, which spanned at least 44 years, Diya^ al-DTn's interest in decorative detailing, his care in finishing off his figures, and his attention to variations in surface textures should be mentioned here as being fundamental characteristics of his style.^' As further proof of this theory, the kinship of the Smithsonian globe with Qa^im Muhammad's work as opposed to that of Diya" al-DTn can also be demonstrated if we turn to the figure of Virgo (see Figure 68), The figure of Virgo on the Smithsonian globe is an almost exact replica of the corresponding figure on one of Qa^im's globes (No, 11; see Figure 13). Qa^im Muham- mad's Virgo is a dumpier figure with thicker legs, and the lines of her gown and its simple banded edges are once again more sinuous than those of the Smithsonian figure. Qa^im's Virgo has a characteristic trefoil nose, as well as the "inverted" ears^^ seen on other of his figures. On the other hand, the Virgo on globe No, 28 (dated 1074 H/AD 1663-1664) by Diya^ al-DTn is a more slender creature with a long, thin neck and small, egg-shaped head (see Figure 40), In Diya" al- DTn's hands, her gown has become a more sump- tuous affair, with wide pearl bands at the cuffs and upper sleeves, a long, curving sash patterned with circles and stars, and a delicately scalloped hem. She wears beaded anklets and necklaces, and her breasts are visible through her bodice,^^ Her coiffure consists of a row of thick S-shaped curls across the very top of her head;^^ this fea- ture and the treatment of her wings (scalloped only at the top and extending in long, narrow feathers below) differentiate her from her sisters on Nos. 11 and 13 and the Smithsonian globe,^^ In addition, the south arm and wing of Diya^ al- DTn's Virgo are completely visible beneath the ecliptic down to her hand, while on both the Smithsonian globe and globe No. 11, Virgo's southern arm and wing are partially cut by the ecliptic, A disembodied six-fingered hand, drawn large to accommodate a silver star labeled simdk a"zal (an old Bedouin name for the star Spica, a Virginis), marks the end of her southern arm at roughly knee level on the Smithsonian figure; her wing tip is visible just below this hand. Comparisons of other human and half-human figures could be made with their counterparts on globes by Qa^'im Muhammad and later globes by his son to flesh out more fully the attribution of the Smithsonian globe to Qa^im himself or a 106 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 40.—View showing Virgo. Globe No. 28, dated 1074 H/AD 1663-1664, by Diya" al- DTn Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Oxford, Museum of the History of Science. (Photo: M.B. Smith) close associate. From these two examples alone, however, it should be clear that Diya" al-DTn's interests or points of visual reference differed in certain basic ways from those of his father, and that the Smithsonian globe fits in with Qa'^im's uncomplicated style of around the 1620s rather than with his son's more detailed and experimen- tal way of working. A survey of the animal con- stellations and those representing inanimate ob- jects supports this hypothesis; here we will con- sider only the figures of Leo and Argo Navis, two of the more prominent of the non-human constellations. The figure of Leo on the Smithsonian globe consists of a thick-chested feline with extremely short front paws, each ending in four pointed toes (see Figure 67). The rest of Leo's body has a somewhat telescoped appearance due to his exaggeratedly high rump (placed to encompass a group of stars, the largest of which is labeled zahr al-asad [the back of the lion]), and long, practically straight hind legs ending in narrow paws with pointed toes. The lion's hind leg joints were placed too low and his lower legs drawn flat like long feet, instead of having him stand only on his paws and setting the upper and lower legs at angles to one another.^® Leo's thin tail curls in a circle around a single large star labeled sarfah (change of weather, fi Leonis), with its tufted tip radiating outwards in a series of points. The star NUMBER 46 107 sarfah was usually placed at the tip of Leo's tail, although on Nos. 1 and 26 the tail curls around the star as it does on the Smithsonian globe and other globes by Qa^im Muhammad and Diya^ al- DTn, Despite the profile rendition of his body, the lion's head is seen full-face with its features (almond eyes and a trefoil nose) drawn as if on a completely flat surface. Representations of Leo on other globes and in the al-Sufi manuscripts inevitably show the lion's body in profile, but his head is often turned in a three-quarter pose so that both eyes and ears are visible. This is how he was represented in Oxford Bodleian MS Marsh 144; in an al-SQfi manuscript in the British Library, London (MS Or. 5323);^' on globes Nos. 3, 4, 5; on Qa^im's globes Nos. 11 and 13; and on at least one globe by Diya^ al-DTn, No. 28, This pose was also used in illustrations accom- panying astronomical and astrological treatises,^^ The eyes of the Smithsonian Leo contain hatched pupils. Below his nostrils are two pointed horizontal bands for whiskers; below these, two stars occupy the lion's rounded jowls. The short fur of his mane stands up like a row of flames across the top of his head, with four blades of fur falling down along his neck,^^ Just as with the figures of Virgo and Auriga, the Smithsonian Leo reproduces almost exactly the leonine diagrams on Qa^im Muhammad's globes Nos, 11 and 13, but for the smallest variation: on globe No, 11 Leo has slightly longer mane fur, and on Nos, 11 and 13 he has double- outlined eyes and what appear to be smiling mouths instead of whiskers (see Figures 41 and FIGURE 41.—Detail showing Leo. Globe No. 11, dated in the eighteenth year of the reign of JahangTr (AD 1622-1623), by Qa^im Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Lancashire, Stony- hurst College. (Photo: M.B. Smith) 108 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 42). Otherwise all three lions, with their vestigial front paws and extremely long hind legs, are practically identical. On one of Diya^ al-DTn's globes. No. 28 (dated 1074 H/AD 1663-1664), we observe a similar Leo, but once again the form has been manipu- lated and details added (see Figure 43). Although the general posture and angle of the head were reproduced, Diya^ al-DTn modified the lion's front legs by broadening his shoulders and paws, rounding his toes, and adding a furry ridge along the bottom of the elbow as well as a ring of short hatches around the neck. Leo as depicted by Piya^ al-DTn has more prominent, softly furred ears, and his hind paws are also broader, with a furry edge. Thus, the Leo on globe No. 28 is more particularly leonine in all its parts than Qa^im Muhammad's figures on globes Nos. 11 and 13, which are recognizable as felines solely on the basis of their schematized facial forms and characteristically tufted tails. Diya^ al-DTn's further adaptation of the Leo figure can be seen on two other globes. No. 23 (dated 1068 H/AD 1657-1658) and No. 26 (dated 1071 H/AD 1660-1661; see Figures 44 and 45). While leaving the general outline of the lion's body unchanged, Diya^ al-DTn gave him shorter, thicker hind legs and reduced his hind paws to their natural size; this reduction is especially ap- parent on globe No. 23. In addition, the lion's head is shown in profile like his body, thus avoid- ing the somewhat awkward twisting necessary to FIGURE 42.—Detail showing Leo. Globe No. 13, dated in the twenty-second year of the reign of JahangTr (AD 1626-1627), by Qa^im Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. London, The Victoria and Albert Museum, Department of Metalwork. (Photo: M.B. Smith) NUMBER 46 109 FIGURE 43.—Detail showing Leo. Globe No. 28, dated 1074 H/AD 1663-1664, by Diya^ al-DTn Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Oxford, Museum of History of Science. (Photo: M.B. Smith) show him full-face. The head itself comes even closer to what might be termed a realistic repre- sentation of a particular animal, in that it is broad and short with slightly drooping chin, box-like snout, and small erect ears; the lion's neck has also been thickened to indicate the presence of a mane, although the texture of its fur is not shown. This total profile view of the lion con- stellation was the alternate type used on globes, and more especially in al-SufT illustrations; ex- amples include the Leo figures on globe No. 1 and in the al-SQfT manuscripts in the Metropoli- tan Museum of Art, New York, and in Lenin- grad.'*° The total profile lion existed from at FIGURE 44.—Detail showing Leo. Globe No. 23, dated 1068 H/AD 1657-1658, by Diya^ al-DTn Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Cardiff, Welsh Industrial and Maritime Museum. (Photo: M.B. Smith) least as early as the eleventh century, as did the three-quarter version we see in Oxford Bodleian MS Marsh 144. Piya^ al-DTn's version of a Leo figure unlike that used by his father follows the pattern already observed in connection with his rendering of the human constellation figures. If we turn in con- clusion to Argo Navis, we see that he also ad- justed this figure. The boat on the Smithsonian globe is a flat-bottomed vessel with a high vertical prow surmounted by a leonine figurehead (see Figure 81). It has open railings along either side, a pergola at the stern, and two furled sails at- tached to a central mast.'*' A thin double chain falls from the mast down to the figurehead, and three unmarked pennants, one each at the lion's head, the mast top, and behind the mast on the 110 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 45.—Globe No. 26, dated 1071 H/AD 1660-1661, by Diya^al-Din Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Berlin, DDR, Staatliche Museum. (Photo: from Bassler-Archiv) main deck, fly overhead. The candlestick-shaped oars stick diagonally out of the boat below the prow. The vessel's decoration consists of a row of cusped half-cartouches or bracket-like forms along the forward edge of the prow and a similar but larger form at the boat's bottom,^^ The per- gola roof is rimmed with a row of small scallops and topped by a trefoil finial, a larger version of which crowns the mast. The representations of the Argo constellation vary from globe to globe perhaps more than any of the other diagrams; this may have been due NUMBER 46 111 to local and temporal differences in ship design of a kind more radical than, for example, varia- tions in basic fashions of dress. Not all of the boats have sails, pennants, or even masts. Thus it is all the more significant that the Argo Navis diagram on Qa^im's globe (No, 11; see Figure 46) is practically the twin of that on the Smith- sonian globe, piya'' al-DTn's treatment of the constellation on Nos, 23, 26, and 28 is similar in certain details (the leonine figurehead and bracket-like decoration, for example) but vitally different in others (see Figures 45, 47, and 48), These variations include the lack of sails, the modification of the open pergola into a tall, bud- like form, the elaboration of a central structure based on vase-shaped supports and with another, more elaborate pergola atop it, and the modifi- cation of the oars into large, bell-like forms on chains. The shape given to the oars by Piya^ al- DTn is closest to that on an early globe (No. 4) and the earliest al-SQfi manuscript,'*^ though in- tervening Argo diagrams show many variations. Piya^ al-DTn's substitution of chains for the oar arms is unusual and possibly unique, and suggests that he interpreted the forms rather as anchors than as oars."*^ piya^ al-DTn's pennants have a spotted pattern also used on another of his globes (No. 18), where the Argo constellation received a much more complicated and consistent treat- ment involving the total modification of its char- acter as conceived by Qa^im, even to the substi- tution of a bird facing backward as the figure- head (see Figure 15). This final detail exists in at least two al-SQfT manuscripts, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and the Leningrad versions;'*^ while the former Argo diagram shows a feline figurehead, that in the latter manuscript has a bird with a curved beak. This peculiarity of Argo's decoration may ultimately make ref- erence to Aratus's claim that the ship sailed back- ward, in other words, stern first,'*® and it is inter- esting that the reversed figurehead was only shown on some versions of the constellation dia- gram. The consistency with which the non-human constellation diagrams on the Smithsonian globe reproduce those on globes signed by Qa^'im Mu- hammad, while differing in one significant way FIGURE 46.—Detail showing Argo. Globe No. 11, dated in the eighteenth year of the reign of JahangTr (AD 1622-1623), by Qa^im Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Lancashire, Stony- hurst College. (Photo: M.B. Smith) 112 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY FIGURE 47.—Detail showing Argo. Globe No. 28, dated 1074 H/AD 1663-1664, by Diya^ al- DTn Muhammad of the Lahore workshop. Oxford, Museum of the History of Science. (Photo: M.B. Smith) or another from those on globes signed by his son, reinforces our original attribution of the unsigned globe to Qa^im Muhammad or a close associate. The fact that globe No. 11 by Qa^im himself is dated AD 1622 (the eighteenth year of the reign of JahangTr) suggests a date for the Smithsonian piece somewhere around that year, and, if we can interpret Qa^im's toponym as an indication of the area in which he worked as well as his birthplace, a locale in northwest India for its production. Certain details of dress point di- rectly to the globe's manufacture in a Mughal context. Such a date and provenance help to explain why many characteristics of Qa^im's (and Piya" al-DTn's) figures differ from those on ear- lier globes and in pre-seventeenth-century man- uscripts of al-SufT's Book of the Constellations of the Fixed Stars. Long- or short-sleeved tunics of varying lengths, sometimes worn over trousers, are stan- ^, , ., ^„ . . dard garb for the human constellation figures on FIGURE 48.—Detail showmg Argo. Globe No. 23, dated ", , , . , ,__,_.„ -47 , 1068 H/AD 1657-1658, by Diya^ al-DTn Muhammad of the "^^^^ S'^^es and in the al-SuH illustrations, and Lahore workshop. Cardiff, Welsh Industrial and Maritime turbans are the normal headgear for the male Museum. (Photo: M.B. Smith) figures."*^ Usually the tunics are tucked in at the NUMBER 46 113 waist or are belted. Occasionally, figures are represented clad only in skirts; Andromeda on Nos. 4 and 5 was engraved in this fashion. On the Smithsonian globe, with the exception of Virgo, all the figures wear knee-length tunics with long sleeves; in some cases the tunics are pleated. All have a pronounced flare at the waist. They are tied with long, occasionally tasselled sashes below the belly; these sashes are looped up once over the waist. In some cases (see Au- riga), a part of the sash also dips back over the wearer's hip. Such flared tunics, in various lengths, were characteristic male dress at the Mughal court, as can be seen in paintings of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Work executed during the reigns of "Abd al-Fath Jalal al-DTn Akbar (AD 1556-1605) and his successor NQr al-DTn Mu- hammad JahangTr (AD 1605-1627) show cour- tiers (and also laborers and soldiers) wearing knee- or calf-length tunics'*^ tied with a variety of sashes: long, narrow ones worn singly and in pairs tied with a simple knot;^^ short, thicker ones knotted in the same fashion;^' combinations of both types worn together;^^ or, as on the Smithsonian globe, single, narrow sashes knotted in a short loop that hangs over the waistband. Since few published paintings from this period are definitely dated, it is impossible to say pre- cisely when the single-looped sash came into fash- ion. A survey of paintings done under Akbar and JahangTr shows single-looped sashes occurring in works dated or attributed to the years between AD 1583 and 1610.'^^ This suggests that such sashes were popular during Akbar's reign and that the fashion died out completely shortly after JahangTr gained the throne. A preference for the single-looped sash worn by itself on Qa^im Muhammad's globes suggests that he must have begun work as a maker of celestial globes during the reign of Akbar, con- tinuing under JahangTr without adjusting his mode of dressing the constellation figures to mirror minor changes in contemporary male fashions. Such a theory fits quite well with the generally conservative picture we have con- structed of Qa^im's style, especially in compari- son to that of his son. In any event, Qa^im's particular modification of the outfit standard for male constellation figures on earlier globes to reflect contemporary garb justifies a dating of the Smithsonian globe to the first quarter of the seventeenth century or slightly earlier. A History of Star Names, Based on the Smithsonian Globe I am the shepherd of the skies. Deputed to preserve The planets as they sink and rise, The stars that do not swerve. Those, as they swing their lamps above Our earth, by night possessed. Are like the kindled fires of love Within my darkling breast. . . . Were Ptolemy alive today, And did he know of me, "Thou art the maestro," he would say, "Of all astronomy." Ibn Hazm The Ring of the Dove CLASSICAL GREEK AND PRE-ISLAMIC SOURCES The star names used in the classical Islamic world were derived from two distinct sources: the names used by pre-Islamic Bedouins, and those transmitted from the Greek world. As Greek astronomy and astrology were accepted and elaborated, primarily through the Arabic translation of Ptolemy's Almagest, the indigenous Bedouin star groupings were overlaid with the Ptolemaic constellations that we recognize today. From about AD 1500 navigators in the Indian Ocean contributed Persian elements to the star nomenclature.' These later influences, as well as the nineteenth-century translation of European star names for the southern constellations not known to classical antiquity, are not reflected in the stars and star names on any Islamicate celes- tial globes, even those made as late as the nine- teenth century. For the early Bedouin star names and constel- lation images, the sources of information avail- able today are complex and confusing, although quite rich, and consist mainly of anwa^'-literature and writings of astronomers, such as al-SufT and al-BTrQnT, who concerned themselves with com- paring the traditional Bedouin terms and concep- tions with the later Ptolemaic ones. (See the following section on "Lunar Mansions" for fur- ther details on this type of literature and on the pre-Islamic star names and images). Although "Abd al-Rahman al-SQfT discussed in his Book of the Constellations of the Fixed Stars the early Arab star names and stars, some of which were not described by Ptolemy, the star catalog that accompanies al-SQfT's treatise is strictly Pto- lemaic, giving only those stars listed in Ptolemy's earlier catalog with Arabic translations of the Greek names and an occasional earlier Arab name that he could align with a Ptolemaic star. The constellation outlines illustrating the treatise by al-SQfT with very few exceptions depict the Ptolemaic constellations rather than the earlier Bedouin groupings. References on extant Islamicate celestial globes to the sources used by the makers for the star positions mention three particular star cata- logs. Ptolemy's Almagest is named on Nos. 2 and 3, the catalog of al-SQfT on Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 62, and the fifteenth-century catalog of Ulugh Beg on globes Nos, 14, 31, 60, and 64. While it is possible that some of the other Islamic star cata- logs were employed by globe makers,^ it is prob- able that most makers used one of these three. In his catalog Ptolemy presented a description of 1025 stars with accompanying ecliptic coor- 114 NUMBER 46 115 dinates for the year AD 138 and designations of magnitude. The stars were not assigned ordinal numbers by Ptolemy, but were described under 48 constellation headings that would usually con- tain two groups of stars: those formed {p.bp(poiToi) and those unformed {ajxbpipooTOi). These terms refer to whether the stars lie inside or outside the constellation outlines. The number of stars making up each of the 48 constellations was then totaled as so many formed stars and so many unformed ones, and the total number of stars given for the three groupings of constellations: northern, zodiacal, and southern. In the total for the unformed stars of Leo, Ptolemy did not include the three stars of Coma Berenices {o irXb- Kafios), though he listed them individually in the catalog. Nor did Ptolemy include them in his total for the zodiacal constellations or the total for the entire catalog, which he gave as a total of 1022 stars consisting of 15 of the first magnitude, 45 of the second magnitude, 208 of the third magnitude, 474 of the fourth magnitude, 217 of the fifth magnitude, 49 of the sixth magnitude, plus 9 faint, 5 nebulous, and o izXbKapos {Coma Berenices).^ Modern writers have confused the issue of how many stars were in Ptolemy's catalog by consecutively numbering every star listed. Since Ptolemy repeated the description of three stars because they each were shared by two con- stellation outlines (ones shared by Hercules and Bootes, by Taurus and Auriga, and by Aquarius and Piscis Austrinus), though he counted each only once in the summaries of the totals, and because of his failure to include in the totals the three stars in Coma, modern writers have con- cluded there are 1028 stars in the catalog.^ Al-SufT repeated the catalog of Ptolemy, mak- ing changes in the longitudes to correspond to 364 H/AD 974, and in some of the magnitudes. He assigned each star a number within the formed or unformed stars of a constellation, including the three stars of Coma Berenices in the eight unformed stars of Leo, but did not repeat the description of the three shared stars, so that they were assigned only one number each, Al- SufT also omitted the last of the Ptolemaic stars in Auriga because it could not be observed. In this way al-SufT arrived at a total of 1024 stars in his catalog. Of these 1024 stars he noted that the last six (the unformed stars of Piscis Austrinus) were not visible, also adding that no. 11 of Lupus and no. 30 of Centaurus were also not observa- ble. He chose to leave them all in the catalog, however, with a brief statement that they had not been observed. In the text accompanying his star catalog al-SQfT described many stars which he did not give in the catalog, one of them being "the overlooked star" of Ursa Major, which oc- curs on several celestial globes including the Smithsonian globe (No. 38) and three early globes (Nos. 4, 5, and 6). When discussing particular star positions al- SQfT frequently refers to celestial globes he has seen. For example, he says that the fifth star of Libra is usually given the northern latitude of 1 °40' when represented on globes following that given in the Almagest, but that it ought to be 1 °40' south latitude, and he says that he has seen globes on which the constellation of Libra was depicted as a man holding a small pair of scales,^ The star catalog that Ulugh Beg prepared at Samarqand with coordinates for 841 H/AD 1437- 1438 was probably the major reference for the later eastern globes.^ The catalog essentially re- peated the stars and numbering of al-SQfT's cat- alog of five centuries earlier, with some changes in coordinates, but with the last six stars of the Southern Fish omitted. Thus it had a total of 1018 stars. In the thirteenth chapter of the third section of the preface to this zij, Ulugh Beg makes the following statements, where he clearly speaks of placing stars on a celestial globe in order to see how the positions in a given catalog compare with those in the sky: Before the time of Ptolemy 1,0,22 fixed stars had been observed. Ptolemy has given them in a catalogue in the Almagest. The stars are distributed in six magnitudes; the largest are of the first and the smallest of the sixth magni- tude. Each magnitude is divided into thirds, and in order to recognize the stars, 48 figures or constellations have been imagined, of which 21 are north of the ecliptic, 12 in the Zodiac, and 15 south of the ecliptic. The larger number of the stars are within the figures, the others are in the neigh- bourhood, and are designated as unformed stars of the constellation. "Abd al-Rahman al-SufT composed a treatise on the stars which all learned men have received with gratitude. Before 116 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY determining by our own observations the positions of these stars, we have laid them down on a sphere according to this treatise, and we have found that the greater part of them are situated differently from their appearance in the heav- ens. This determined us to observe them ourselves with the assistance of Divine Providence, and we have found that they were advanced from the epoch at which al-SufT's work was written, so that on giving them, according to this general observation, their absolute positions, we no longer found any difference from their appearance to the eye. It is on this principle that we have reobserved all the stars already determined, with the exception of 27 which are too far to the south to be visible at the latitude of Samarqand, namely the 7 stars in the constellation Ara; 8 in Argo Navis, stars 36 to 41 and 44 and 45; II in Centaurus, from the 27th to the end; and one star, the 10th in the constellation Lupus; and we have taken these 27 stars from the work of "Abd al-Rahman al-SufT, taking account of the difference of epoch. Besides these there are 8 stars mentioned by "Abd al- Rahman al-SiJfT in his book, of which Ptolemy gives the positions, but which "Abd al-Rahman al-SufT could not find, and which notwithstanding all our researches, we have been unable to discover. For that reason we do not indicate those stars in the present catalogue. These Ptolemy stars are the 14th of Auriga, the 11 th of Lupus and the 6 unformed stars of Piscis Austrinus. In our catalogue we have given the position of the stars for the beginning of the year 841 of the Hegira, so that at any time we may be able to find the place of any stars on the supposition that they advance one degree in seventy solar years.^ Despite these statements by Ulugh Beg, how- ever, al-SQfi did omit the fourteenth star of Au- riga from his catalog,^ though he left in no. 11 of Lupus and the six external stars of Piscis Austrinus. Furthermore, all the extant manu- script copies of Ulugh Beg's star catalog^ indicate that Ulugh Beg also left the eleventh star of Lupus in the catalog, despite his statement that he was omitting it. What appears rather curious then is the fre- quent use of the number 1022 for the total number of visible fixed stars in the catalog of Ulugh Beg. For examples, Ghiyath al-DTn al- KashT in his letter describing the scientific activity of the observatory of Ulugh Beg says that the astronomers had attempted to construct an astro- labe that had the totality of the 1022 observable fixed stars.'" Qa^im Muhammad ibn "Isa ibn Al- lahdad AsturlabT LahQrT HumayQnT on his globe made in AD 1637-1638 (No, 14) states that 1022 stars have been placed on it in accordance with the catalog prepared by Ulugh Beg. Similarly, the globe by Ridwan completed in 1701 bears an inscription stating that the number of fixed stars represented on it is 1022 and that their positions were based upon the catalog of Ulugh Beg (globe No, 31). The globe produced by Lalah Balhumal LahQrT in 1842 (No. 33) also speaks of having 1022 observable stars indicated on it, although Ulugh Beg's catalog is not specifically named. The total of 1022 could possibly be obtained by taking the 1018 stars in the catalog, counting the three shared stars twice, and adding in the "overlooked" star of the Greater Bear. The latter star, however, does not occur on the globes that specifically claim to have 1022 stars. It is most probable that globe makers and astronomers sim- ply used the catalog for the coordinates and did not count the precise number of stars. They perhaps continued to use the number 1022 that Ptolemy had given for his catalog and did not note the minor variations from one catalog to another and the consequent changes in the total number of stars. All globes up through the fourteenth century have the six external stars of Piscis Austrinus. Two of these globes (Nos. 6 and 7) are stated to be based on the Book of the Constellations by al- SQfT, and in fact have only 13 stars in Auriga, just as al-SQfT described the constellation in his catalog. The earlier globes (Nos. 1-5 and 34) have 14 stars in Auriga, following Ptolemy's cat- alog (except for No. 3 which for some reason has 13 stars in Auriga, even though the maker spec- ifies Ptolemy's catalog as the source for the star positions). All globes of the sixteenth century and later were most likely based on Ulugh Beg's catalog, and on all of them the fourteenth star of Auriga is omitted, as are the six unformed stars of the Southern Fish, When Ptolemy's Almagest was translated in the ninth century, the descriptions and names of the Greek zodiacal constellations were translated into Arabic, In most cases these newer Arabic terms were subsequently replaced by pre-Islamic Arab names. Both the Greek and indigenous NUMBER 46 117 Arabic zodiacal constellations had been derived ultimately from a common Sumerian source." For example, the Arabic translation of the Al- magest gives al-rdmi as the name for Sagittarius, but the older term al-qaws (the bow) soon re- placed it. Similarly al-taw^amdn (Gemini), al- "adhrd^ {Virgo), al-samakatdn (Pisces), and al-dali or sdkib al-md" for Aquarius were replaced by the older traditional terms of al-jawzd"', al-sunbula, al-hut, and al-dalw. Kunitzsch'^ suggests that the Arabs were more conservative when adapting the Sumerian zodiacal images than were the Greeks, for the Bedouins did not tend to put people with the objects; for example, they imag- ined a grain of wheat but without the girl (Virgo) or a bow but no centaur (Sagittarius). In pre-Islamic groupings it seems that al-dalw (the bucket) covered the large areas of Aquarius, Pegasus, and part of Pisces; al-hut (the fish) cov- ered the regions of Andromeda and Pisces; while al-asad (the lion) was much larger than our Leo. This extremely large lion had its nose in what we call Cancer, its eye, forehead, neck, and shoul- ders in Leo, its one foreleg formed by the heads of Gemini, the other foreleg formed by Canis Minor, its hind quarters in Corvus, and its hind legs formed by Spica in Virgo and Arcturus in Bootes. The liver of this huge lion was the first unformed star of Ursa Major. Another important image in the Bedouin sky was that of a large woman called al-thurayyd. Her head was composed of the open star cluster called the Pleiades in the constellation Taurus. The Pleiades were consequently frequently called al- thurayyd. The woman had one arm passing through the regions of Perseus and Cassiopeia where her finger tips were said to be stained with the red day henna, while her other hand was seen in the area now occupied by the Ptolemaic constellation of Cetus. The Hyades, another open star cluster in Taurus, were called young female camels {qald"'is) and, according to tradi- tion, were driven before Aldebaran (the fol- lower; a Tauri), the most prominent star in the cluster and sometimes called the faniq (camel- stallion), as evidence of his wealth when he went again to court al-thurayyd, who had earlier re- jected him because of his poverty. Aldebaran's two dogs were seen in two small stars near one another in a narrow space between the Pleiades and Hyades. The region of the constellations Orion and Gemini was seen in pre-Islamic Arabia to contain a huge giant named al-jawzd"', which was possibly a feminine figure originally.'^ The stars in the feet of Gemini, according to some, made up the bow which al-jawzd"" throws at the huge lion. A throne for him was formed by the stars in the Ptolemaic Lupus and another chair was formed by the stars in Eridanus. Astronomers used the named al-jawzd"' not only for the Ptolemaic con- stellation of Orion but also for the zodiacal house and constellation of Gemini. One legend re- counts the marriage of al-jawzd'^ (interpreted as a feminine figure) with suhayl (Canopus), the second brightest star in the heavens. It was said that suhayl lived with al-jawzd"" but broke her vertebrae and back; so he escaped slaughter by going toward the south, thus avoiding pursuit. A common Babylonian source gave rise to both the early Arab term for the brightest star in the heavens {a Canis majoris) called shi"rd and the Greek term aelpios, from which we get the name Sirius. In the Bedouin tradition there were said to be two Sirii and both were sisters of Canopus {suhayl who had married al-jawzd^). The south- ern Sirius was the star in Canis Major which we call Sirius today, while fi Canis majoris was its companion {mirzam). The northern Sirius was the star Procyon {a Canis minoris) with its com- panion {mirzam; fi Canis minoris). The southern Sirius with its companion was called al-shi"rd al- "abur (the Sirius passing over) because it was said to cross over the Milky Way southward toward Canopus when he fled toward the south after injuring al-jawzd"', while Procyon with its com- panion was called al-shi"rd al-ghumaysd"' (the Sir- ius shedding tears) for it had to remain behind.''* It was also said that the two stars in Canis Major were called the oath breakers, for when a person who did not know the skies very well would see Sirius and its companion rising he would be willing to take an oath that it was Canopus and its companion star, but he would have perjured 118 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY himself when Canopus and its companion really did rise. There are testimonies from as far back as the third century BC of there being in Arabia animals such as gazelles, lions, wolves, hyenas, hares, onagers, horses, dogs, ostriches, bustards, and perhaps wild dromedaries.'^ Many of these ani- mals, as well as other aspects of pastoral life, can be seen in other constellation images from pre- Islamic Arabia. Gazelles were imagined, and the footprints of their leaps as they ran before the large lion could be seen in the area of Ursa Major. The stars we now view as the body of Cetus were envisioned as ostriches, and the stars of Corona Australis were said to depict an os- trich's nest. Eight more ostriches were imagined in the area now occupied by Sagittarius, four going to the river of the Milky Way and four leaving the river. Camels that had recently foaled were seen in the head of Draco, while some saw a camel formed of some of the stars in Cassopeia while the brightest star of that group was called the camel's hump.'^ In the area of Ursa Minor there were visualized two calves turning a grist mill, and between the two calves and the camels in the head of Draco were wolves. A herd of goats was seen in the area of Auriga, and the stars of Cepheus were viewed as a shepherd with his dog and sheep. The stars Vega and Antares were said to be dogs barking on account of the cold weather. A row of horsemen with an outri- der behind were seen in the stars comprising the breast and wings of Cygnus with the outrider made of the tail star. The stars of Corvus formed a tent, and horses and foals were the stars near the stable comprised of Crater. The large star in the tail of Cetus and the star in the mouth of the Southern Fish were called the two frogs, while a leather bucket and rope occupied the areas of Aquarius, Pegasus, and Pisces. Bunches of grapes were seen in the stars of Centaurus and Lupus, and a meadow was imagined enclosed by two rows of stars in Hercules and Serpentarius. The Milky Way (known in Arabic as tariq al- tabbdnah, majarrah [the course], umm al-samd"" [the mother of the heavens], and other terms)" was important in the early imagery, even though it is not indicated on any known Islamicate globe. The most important modern critical source for the early Arabic star names are the studies by Kunitzsch, which have been used extensively in the following discussion, as well as other sec- ondary sources'^ and some primary ones, in par- ticular the tenth-century writings of al-SQfT and al-BTrunT and thirteenth-century tract by al-Qaz- wTnT.'^ In the following two sections some of the Greek accounts will be given for the Ptolemaic constellations which overlaid the earlier Bedouin ones. For these Greek sources the writings of Aratus and early poets such as Homer and He- siod have been consulted and cited, as well as the considerable number of secondary sources con- cerned with Greek star names.^" In the two subsequent subsections of this part of the study the lunar mansions and the 48 constellations will be discussed in detail. The lunar mansions are treated separately from the constellations because they are not part of the Ptolemaic constellation outlines, but are in- scribed at regular intervals along the ecliptic. Furthermore, additional comments are required for background to the complex subject of lunar mansions. In the section on the "Constellations" in this chapter, each constellation will be dis- cussed in terms of the star names appearing on the Smithsonian globe. The order of the constel- lations will be the order given by Ptolemy and in all derivative Islamic star catalogs. When a star is described as being a particular number in a constellation, this again refers to numbering in the al-SQfT and Ulugh Beg catalogs. The minor differences in their numbers, when pertinent, will be noted. Minor spelling errors on the part of the maker and inconsistencies in genitive con- structions will not be noted (see Chapter 3). References to other globes when comparing terms or images will be by the catalog numbers given in Chapter 6. Arrows are placed on the photographs to designate plugs or other special features, in order to distinguish the plugs from stars. Compass directions have been noted on each photograph of the individual constellations so that proper orientation can be maintained. Descriptions of the figures will be given in terms NUMBER 46 119 of the direction of the compass rather than right or left to avoid confusion. The unequivocal modern identification of a star is not always possible and modern writers occasionally disagree on this. Generally Kun- itzsch's identification has been followed,^' but sometimes that of Peters and Knobel or Baily was used. Quite frequently the number of the star in the al-SQfT star catalog is given just before the modern identification. The nomenclature for the latter is for the most part that of Bayer, employing Greek letters, and when necessary lower case Latin letters, followed by the genitive of the Latin name for the constellation. Occa- sionally a star not covered by the Bayer system is designated by a Flamsteed number (abbreviated Flam,), LUNAR MANSIONS The origin of the system of lunar mansions is obscure, with at least four theories having been put forward regarding the matter. It has been suggested that it began with the related Chinese system called hsiu and spread from China to India and the Near East,^^ The Indian system called naksatra of 27 or 28 junction-stars has also been mentioned as the original source,^^ Others have contended that it was Babylonian in origin and extended thence to India, China, and Arabia,^^ or that Hellenistic astronomy played a role in the diffusion either as a point of origin or through Hellenistic astronomical and trigonometric tech- niques current in India.^^ It is fairly evident that the Arabic version is an accretion of the Indian upon an earlier Bedouin grouping of fixed stars, applying the traditional Bedouin star names to the Indian lunar mansions dividing the zodiac. The Bedouins on the Arabian peninsula in pre- Islamic times were chiefly nomadic camel owners and herders of goats who needed to estimate the passage of time and to predict meteorological events so as to locate winter and spring grazing lands whose locations varied greatly depending upon the rainfall,^® These early Arabs had a primitive system called anwd"' based on a series of 28 prominent star groups. The solar year was then divided into 28 intervals, each marked by observing the star group that set in the West at dawn (i.e., cosmical setting called raqib) and the star group that rose in the East with the sun (i.e., heliacal rising, called naw").^^ Naturally these two asterisms were opposite each other in the heavens and in the anwd"" sequence of 28 star groups. The stars themselves were held responsible for weather conditions; thus the early Bedouins could attempt to predict the weather and mark the passage of time. Sometime before the advent of Islam the Bedouins assimilated from India a system of 27 or 28 "stations" or "mansions" of the moon, called in Arabic mandzil (singular manzil).^^ The mansions corresponded to places in the sky through which the moon passed in its course from new moon to new moon in 27 or 28 nights. The course of the moon is inclined to the ecliptic at an angle only slightly more than 5°, but its brilliance is such that nearby stars cannot be observed. For this reason the mansions were named for stars in the vicinity of but not directly along the ecliptic. Each mansion came to repre- sent approximately one day's travel of the moon and therefore corresponds to roughly 13° along the ecliptic beginning at the vernal equinox. Ac- cording to al-BTrunT,^^ it seems that by the time the system was assimilated in pre-Islamic Arabia the system of mandzil had come to be more frequently associated with intervals of the ecliptic beginning with the vernal equinox than with the original 27 or 28 junction-stars or asterisms that gave them their names. The resulting anwd^-mandzil system began with a star group in Aries (probably to be iden- tified with fiy Arietis), which corresponded to the first segment of the House of Aries near the vernal equinox about 300 BC. These two systems are not, however, entirely compatible, for one is calculated on the basis of the risings and settings of fixed star groups and the other reckoned on regular intervals of the ecliptic taken from the vernal equinox. With the precession of the equi- noxes no fixed star will long maintain the same distance from the vernal equinox. Consequently one star group cannot be successfully aligned with one segment of the ecliptic measured from 120 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY the vernal equinox for an extended period of time. This attempted compounding of anwd"' and the lunar mansions {mandzil) gave rise to a type of Arabic literature known as anwd"" literature, in which lexicographers, such as Ibn Qutaybah, born in Iraq in AD 828,^" attempted to record the Bedouin association of meteorological phe- nomena with the anwd" star groups associated with the 28 lunar mansions. Such works would usually contain an explanation of the anwd'^ star groups and lunar mansions, the dates of the beginning of visibility in the east in the morning of each star group, and an explanation of the system of rains, winds, cold, and other weather conditions associated with these risings, illus- trated with appropriate proverbs, poetry, and folklore.^' A second type of literature concerned with the anwd""-mandzil system was arranged in the form of a calendar and enumerated natural, celestial, and meteorological events of concern to peasants and herdsmen.^^ About the same time that the lexicographers were recording this Bedouin material in the ninth century AD, the first listing of these 28 mansions by an Arabic astronomer was made by al-Fargham.^^ Astrologers also became seriously interested in the division of the zodiac into lunar mansions and the assignment of good or ill char- acteristics to each. In the tenth century al-SQfT used much of the anwd"' literature recorded by the lexicographers for his discussion of the fixed stars, and identified these star groups in terms of the stars cataloged by Ptolemy. In the eleventh century al-BTrQnT presented in his Chronology of Nations, a lengthy discussion of lunar mansions. In this work he criticizes the traditional Arab use of the rising and setting of star groups to determine the mansions, which cannot remain accurate because of the preces- sion. When criticizing the practice of an astron- omer of Rayy in Persia, al-BTrunT says: That the truth is the very reverse of his theory, that the nature and peculiarities which are attributed to the first Station [Mansion], and that which the Hindus relate of the connection of this Station with others, are peculiar to the first part of [the House of] Aries, and never leave this place. although the star or stars which form the Lunar Station may leave it. In a similar way, all that is peculiar to Aries does not move away from the place of [the House of] Aries, although the constellation of Aries does move away.^^ Al-BTrunT then outlines a modification of the anwd^-mandzil system, which he considered bet- ter since it is not affected by the precession of the equinoxes. It became the system used in most astrological prognostication. Each House or 30° interval of the zodiac is divided into two and one- third lunar mansions, A rising of a lunar mansion means that the sun is in that particular segment of the zodiac, while the second mansion preced- ing it rises in the east between the beginning of dawn and the rise of the sun. That is to say, since the sun's brightness makes it impossible to see the actual rising of a lunar mansion occupied by the sun, the observer notes, between the begin- ning of dawn and the appearance of the sun, the rising of the second mansion preceding the lunar mansion interval in the established sequence. For example, the third lunar mansion is said to be rising if the first mansion is the last one whose rising is visible before the sun rises. The order of succession of the mansions is the same as that of the zodiac, that is from one to the one east of it. For example, sharatayn to butayn, Pleiades to Aldebaran. The term naw"', which applies to the rising of a lunar mansion is also given to the influence of its cosmical setting, which occurs at a six-month interval from its rising. The intervals of the ecliptic designated as lunar mansions are of such a length that the sun remains in each for approximately 13 days, though there is some slight variation since the length of mansions is not totally uniform. Each lunar mansion was given the name attributed to one of the 28 anwd"" star groups, even though the segments of the zodiac were no longer in close proximity to that anwd"" group. On the Smithsonian globe the names of the lunar mansions are written at intervals along the ecliptic of about 13°, indicated by a small dash at right angles to the ecliptic. This clearly indi- cates that the globe was made in a tradition which interpreted the anwd^-mandzil system as seg- ments of the zodiac, and not in the earlier man- NUMBER 46 121 ner in which the rising of the star groups them- selves was the the determining factor. In most of the Islamicate astronomical-astrological litera- ture the 28 lunar mansions are numbered with the first corresponding to the vernal equinox, and the second one occurring about 13° later further into the zodiacal House of Aries, On the Smithsonian globe the first lunar mansion in the usual order {sharatayn) is placed at 13° House of Aries, while the twenty-eight {rishd") is at the vernal equinox. This identical arrangement is also to be found on globe No. 11, made by Qa^im Muhammad of the Lahore workshop, probably the same maker who produced the Smithsonian globe. On other globes, such as No. 74, No. 60 (Figure 7), and No. 59 (the earliest of the Class B globes dated 535 H/AD 1140- 1141), the usual order of having sharatayn at the vernal equinox is maintained. There was also a tradition in Islamicate and in later Latin treatises of associating with the lunar mansions abstract patterns of dots or stars in small geometrical designs frequently having little to do with the actual conformation of the original asterisms.^^ One extant Islamicate globe (No. 60, see Figure 7) dated 718 H/AD 1318-1319 and signed by ■^Abd al-Rahman ibn Burhan al-MawsilT (authen- ticity questionable), represents the lunar man- sions by similar patterns of inlaid silver dots along the ecliptic, apparently in this same tradition. Many of the Arabic terms applied to the lunar mansions were so ancient by the time the lexi- cographers recorded them in the ninth century that their significance had been lost even at that time. For this reason only a tentative translation can frequently be given. The names appear to be older than many of the other traditional Ar- abic pre-Islamic star names, and the imagery behind them more obscure, often apparently coming from a very ancient poetry.^^ In the following descriptions each lunar mansion will be given in the commonly accepted order, with the position along the ecliptic where it is en- graved on the Smithsonian globe. At the end of the discussion of each mansion the position ac- cording to al-BTrunT^' will be given for compari- son with that on the Smithsonian globe. See the photographs of the corresponding zodiacal houses in the subsequent section for illustrations of the distribution of the lunar mansion names along the ecliptic. Lunar Mansion 1. Sharatayn (Engraved at 13° House of Aries) The word sharat can mean "sign" or "signal" or "the beginning of a thing," and sharatayn means "the two sharat." Al-QazwTnT (Ideler, 134) says the two stars of this lunar mansion are named "the two signs" because they mark the beginning of the new year. Among the Bedouins these two stars were also called qarnd al-hamal (the horns of the ram), referring to an older indigenous concept of a young ram that was not the same as the Ptolemaic form of Aries, Ibn Qutaybah says this lunar mansion was also called al-nath, al- ndtih, or al-natih, all meaning the act of butting (Kunitzsch [1961], nos, 197-200), Al-SQfT {Su- war, 142), however, was understandably con- fused by the two traditions and at one point equated the lunar mansion sharatayn with the two bright stars on the horns of the Ptolemaic ram Aries, nos. 1 and 2 [fiy Arietis] (see Kunitzsch [1961], no. 286). Al-SQfT also said another tra- dition indicated that the "two signals" were made up of one of the two on the horns of Aries (no, 1) and the first unformed star of Aries, at the top of the head [a Arietis]. Al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns.], 343) says that sometimes three stars are included in the mansion [afiy Arietis] in which case it was usually called al-ashrdt, which is the plural instead of the dual of sharat. Al-BTrQnT gives as the position of this mansion along the ecliptic 0° House of Aries, i.e., the vernal equi- nox. Lunar Mansion 2. Butayn (Engraved at 25'/2° of the ecliptic) The name means "the small belly," being as al- BTrQnT points out a diminutive form of batn (belly), so as to contrast with the twenty-eighth lunar mansion, sometimes called "the belly of the 122 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY fish." Al-SQfT {Suwar, 142) adds that it is some- times called simply batn, while some anwd"' au- thors (Kunitzsch [1961] no. 63) called it batn al- hamal (the belly of the ram). There is not complete agreement on the iden- tification of the stars comprising the second lunar mansion with those of the Ptolemaic catalog. Al- SQfT and later al-BTrQnT identify al-butayn with three stars that form a triangle in the Ptolemaic Aries: one near the outgrowth of the tail (no. 7), the first of the three in the tail (no. 8), and one on the back of the thigh (no. 11), which are edp Arietis, respectively, Al-SQfT also says that some anwd"" authors (Kunitzsch [1961], no, 68) align this mansion with four stars to the west of al- mankib, the star on the shinbone of the Ptolemaic Perseus [^ Persei] or according to some, the two on the lower foot [of Persei]. These four stars would, according to al-SQfT, be nos, 2-5 of the unformed stars of Aries, the four over the rump of Aries near Perseus (Flam. 41, 39, 35, 36 Arietis). Al-BTrQnT gives the position of the second lunar mansion as 12°51'26" of the House of Aries. Lunar Mansion 3. Thurayyd (Engraved at 38'/2° of the ecliptic) The third lunar mansion is named for the famous open star cluster called the Pleiades lo- cated in the Ptolemaic constellation of Taurus, of which six or sometimes seven stars are visible with the naked eye. The Arabic name al-thurayyd is a very old Arabic star name whose origin and etymology are obscure (see Hommel, 595; Kun- itzsch [ 1961 ], no. 306). Al-SQfT {Suwar, 151) says that they called it al-thurayyd (possibly translata- ble as "the precious gem") because the Arabs were blessed by these stars and their risings. The word thurayyd can also mean "lustre," and comes from a root meaning "to be abundant" or "to increase." Al-BTrunT {Chron. [trns.], 343) says "some people maintain they were called so be- cause the rain, which is brought by their naw"", produced tharwa, i.e. abundance." In both the Iliad (XVIII, 486) and the Odyssey (V, 272), Homer mentions the Pleiades {irXeLabes). His near contemporary, Hesiod {Works and Days, 615, 383), states that the cos- mical setting of the Pleiades in the Fall was a time for sowing and rough seas, while their helia- cal rising in the Spring was a time for harvest and the beginning of the sailing season. Hesiod adds that they are the daughters of Atlas, for the Pleiades were commonly held to be the daugh- ters of Atlas by Pleione, hence the name Pleiades; another etymology put forward in classical liter- ature was that the word Pleiades came from TrXeiv (to sail). Aratus (lines 253-268) gave the names by which the poets know the seven small stars: Alcyone, Merope, Celaeno, Electra, Sterope, Taygete, and Maia, but adds that only six can be observed (lines 254-255). Hipparchus {Comm. arat., I, 6.14) criticizes Aratus for this statement, saying that on a clear moonless night a person can observe seven stars. In the work attributed to Eratosthenes {Catast, 14 and 23) the legend is put forward of seven stars, one of which is obscure {capavrjs) because six of the daughters of Atlas and Pleione mated with immortals, while the seventh, Merope, was wife to the mortal Sisyphus and through repentance hides from sight. The Latin poet Hyginus in his Astronomica (II, 21) gives an additional story that the obscure star might be the daughter Electra who does not appear because of grief over the fall of Troy. This myth of the "lost Pleiad" was repeated by Ovid {Fasti, IV. 170-178) and others. (For a history of the legend of the Pleiades and the "lost Pleiad" see Martin [1956] 72-79 and 89-94.) Even though the poetical and literary sources available in Greece, as well as the one extant work of the astronomer Hipparchus, clearly show a knowledge of six or seven Pleiades, Ptolemy nonetheless lists only four stars as comprising the Pleiades in his catalog (nos. 30-33 of the con- stellation Taurus). Al-SQfT and Ulugh Beg both followed Ptolemy in listing only four Pleiades in their catalogs. Al-SQfT, however, explained clearly that there were two or three additional stars nearby (see the discussion of Figure 64 for al-SQfT's statement and a discussion of the Pleiades on the Smithsonian globe). Al-BTrQnT, on the other hand, said specifically that al-thu- NUMBER 46 123 rayyd (the Pleiades) consisted of six stars close together, resembling a bunch of grapes, incor- rectly called seven by the poets {Astrol., sec. 164), Al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns,], 343-344) added that "Ptolemy mentions only four stars of the Pleiades since he had not observed more of them, because to eye-sight they seem to lie quite close together," In some anwd" literature the Pleiades were called alyat al-hamal (the tail of the ram). This title appears to refer to an early Bedouin concept of a ram that differed in outline from the Ptole- maic Aries (see Kunitzsch [1961] no. 9; al-BTrunT, Chron. [trns.], 343), and which was displaced by the introduction of the Greek constellations into the Islamic world. Al-SQfT seems, however, to be aware only of the Ptolemaic Aries and criticizes the anwd" authors for using such a term in ref- erence to the Pleiades. In the Bedouin tradition, however, al-thurayyd (the Pleiades) was most commonly associated with the head of a woman (also named al-thurayyd) who had one arm passing through the area of Perseus (Figure 57) with a henna-stained hand in Cassiopeia (Figure 56). Her other hand was in the area to the southwest where the head of Cetus is now visualized (Figure 75). In keeping with this image of a woman, many other stars were given special names by the early Bedouins. Thus we have the following star names: In the shoulder-blade of al-thurayyd {"dtiq al- thurayyd) are two stars on the lower foot of the Ptolemaic Perseus, which according to al-SQfT are nos. 25 and 26 of Ptolemy's list [of Persei]. Ibn Qutaybah says it is one "not bright" star between al-thurayyd and the shoulders, which for him are the two in the lower foot of Perseus; to this interpretation al-SufT objects (see Kunitzsch [1961], no. 41). According to al-SQfT "the shoulder [of the extended right arm] of al-thurayyd" {mankib al- thurayyd ) is the star in the shinbone of the lower leg of Perseus, immediately above the two com- prising the shoulder-blade. Al-SQfT identifies the star with no. 24 of Ptolemy's catalog [| Persei]. Ibn Qutaybah says, however, "the shoulder" con- sisted of two stars identified as of Persei, that is, the two on the foot, which al-SQfT had called "the shoulder-blade" (Kunitzsch [1961], no. 157). "The upper arm of al-thurayyd" {"adud al-thu- rayyd) is for both al-SQfT and Ibn Qutaybah the row of three stars, two of which are in the upper leg and thigh closest to the ogre's head, and the third one the most northern of the three small stars on the stomach of Perseus. Al-SufT identifies these as nos, 10, 22, and 23 of Perseus [bve Per- sei]. This group is not labeled on the Smithsonian globe. The elbow of the outstretched arm of al-thu- rayyd {mirfaq al-thurayyd) is the large star in the stomach of Perseus (no. 7 of the constellation [a Persei^. The middle of the three small stars on the stomach of Perseus is called traditionally ibrat al-mirfaq (the point of the elbow of al-thurayyd), which is aligned by al-SQfT with no. 9 of Perseus [\p Persei]; it is not labeled on the Smithsonian globe. The last and lowest of the three small stars close together on the stomach of Perseus is called ma^bid al-thurayyd (the fatty part [of the upper arm] of al-thurayyd). Al-SufT knew only one star by that name, and identified it as no. 8 of Perseus [a Persei]. Ibn Qutaybah, on the other hand, saw two stars in that area standing near one another, between which was an estimated visual distance of one dhird", which for al-SQfT was about 2° 20' (See Kunitzsch [1961] no. 152). This label does not appear on the Smithsonian globe. The forearm, sd"id al-thurayyd, was made up, according to al-SQfT, of the star in the upper arm of the arm raised above Perseus's head and the large star immediately below on the chest, which al-SQfT identified with nos. 2 and 3 of the con- stellation [777 Persei]. Ibn Qutybah, however, saw three stars as the forearm, which he called al- dhird" (forearm or cubit), instead of al-sd"id (Kun- itzsch ([1961], nos. 81 and 258). These three stars were between the elbow and the wrist, perhaps including the small star in the beard of Perseus on the Smithsonian globe [no. 5 of Per- seus; T Persei]. This label also does not appear on the Smithsonian globe. The wrist of the right outstretched arm is called mi"sam al-thurayyd, and is represented by 124 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY the two open star clusters marked as one star in the hand of Perseus over his head [xh Persei]. See the discussion of Perseus and Figure 57 for further details. The hand of the right arm was visualized as spreading out from the wrist (hand of Perseus) toward Cassiopeia, with the fingers being repre- sented by the five bright stars of Cassiopeia form- ing the well-known W-shaped asterism. This hand was called al-kaff al-khadib, that is, a hand dyed with henna {hinnd"), a red dye made from Lawsonia inermis. The expression "the dyed hand" referred originally to five stars (nos. 12, 2, 4, 5, 6 of the Ptolemaic catalog [fiayde Cassio- peiae]; see Figure 56). However, as al-SQfT noted {Suwar, 77) it sometimes happened that astrono- mers would take a name originally used for a group of stars and apply it to only one of them; in this case it was applied to no. 12, the star on her back elbow [fi Cassiopeiae], as a star for use on astrolabes. For this reason the label on the Smithsonian globe appears to apply to only that one star rather than the entire group of five. The other hand of their early conception of a female figure centering around the Pleiades is found in the head of the Ptolemaic constellation Cetus, the sea monster or whale (see Figure 75). It is called al-kaff al-jadhmd" (the cut-off hand) probably because no star groups connect the hand with al-thurayyd, the Pleiades, representing the head. Al-SQfT identifies the cut-off hand with the first six stars of the constellation Cetus [Xaybvp. Ceti]. To the third lunar mansion, al-thurayyd, al- BTrunT assigned the position of 25° 12'50" in the House of Aries. Lunar Mansion 4. Dabardn (Engraved at 51 V2° of the ecliptic or 21 '/2° House of Taurus) Al-Dabardn is from a root meaning "to follow," and refers to the fact that it follows the Pleiades, for which reason it was sometimes called tdli al- najm "the follower of The Star," since the Pleiades were occasionally called "the star {al- najm). Al-SQfT and the anwa" authors (Kunitzsch [1961], no. 69) referred to al-dabardn as a large bright red star that corresponded to the one in the eye of the Ptolemaic constellation of Taurus, no. 14, which is the famous star a Tauri, called today Aldebaran (see Figure 64). Aldebaran is the most prominent of the open cluster compos- ing the asterism of the Hyades, The Bedouins also called the star comprising the fourth lunar mansion al-faniq (the camel- stallion), while the stars around it (the other Hyades) were called al-qilds (the young camels; see al-BTrQnT, Chron. [trns,], 344). Al-BTrunT gives the position of the fourth lunar mansion as 8° 34'18" of the House of Taurus, which is 38° 34'18" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 5. Haq"ah (Engraved at 63° of the ecliptic, or 3° House of Gemini) The word haq"ah means a tuft of hair, a brand- ing mark usually on the neck or breast of a horse, or any other distinguishing mark of a horse. Al- BTrQnT said the stars of this lunar mansion were called haq"ah because they were compared with a circles of hairs on the leg of a horse near the foot; a horse having such a distinguishing mark was called mahqu" which is from the same root as haq"ah. This lunar mansion was said to corre- spond to the first star of the Ptolemaic constel- lation of Orion. In his catalog Ptolemy clearly considered this to be a single nebulous {veipeXoeibrjs) star in the forehead of Orion, while the anwd" authors (Kunitzsch [1961], no. 115a), al-SQfT {Suwar, 268), and al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns,], 344) saw three small stars next to one another like a small triangle [Xip^ip^ Orionis]. These stars were sometimes also called al-athdfi (a three-legged support for a cooking pot) be- cause they resembled such a tripod. Al-SQfT adds that the three stars were occasionally called haq"at al-jawzd", the tuft of hair or distinguishing mark of jawzd" (the Bedouin name for a giant, possibly feminine), visualized in the area we con- sider occupied by the Ptolemaic constellations of Orion and Gemini. (See the discussion of Orion [Figure 76], and the section on "Classical Greek and Pre-Islamic Sources.") NUMBER 46 125 Al-BTrunT gives the position of the fifth lunar mansion as 21 ° 25'44" of the House of Taurus, or 51°25'44" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 6. Han"ah (Engraved at 77° of the ecliptic, or 17° House of Gemini) The root of this word can mean either to fold or bend, or to brand a camel on the neck. It is from the former meaning that al-BTrunT {Chron., 344) derived his explanation of the word "as if each of them were winding and twining round the other." Han"ah is more often translated as a brand on a camel's neck, maintaining a parallel with the fifth mansion, and was traditionally ap- plied to two stars (nos. 17 and 18 of the Ptolemaic constellation of Gemini [y^ Geminorum]; see Fig- ure 65). These two stars mark the feet of the more southern of the two twins. Both han"ah and haq"ah (the sixth and fifth mansions) are in the area of the sky called al-jawzd" by the Bedouins, which covered the area of Ptolemy's Orion and part of Gemini, and seems to have been a giant form, possibly feminine. The star y Geminorum, whose modern name is Alhena from the name of the sixth mansion, was also commonly called al- zirr, which has many meanings including button, socket of the thigh, a pivot, or a bud of a plant; the intent is obscure. The second star [^ Gemi- norum] bore the additional title of al-maysdn (a bright star). The traditions regarding these two names are not uniform (see Kunitzsch [1961], no. 321). Some people in the anwd" tradition called the three stars standing before y^ Geminorum (the three in the feet of the northern twin [nos. 14, 15, 16; rjnv Geminorum]) al-tahdyi, whose precise spelling is not uniform nor its meaning clear. They then termed all five stars together al- han"ah (Kunitzsch [1961], nos. 114, 296), Some, however, interpreted al-tahdyi (or al-tahiyydt or al-tahiyyah as it sometimes was written) as the name of the three comprising the fifth lunar mansion, al-haq"ah (al-SufT Suwar, 166-167), Al-SufT also states that the five stars in the feet of the twins were called qaws al-jawzd" (the bow of al-jawzd") which he throws at the foreleg of the lion. The anterior of the two forelegs of the huge lion of the early Bedouin traditions was formed by the two bright stars in the heads of the Ptolemaic Gemini; this foreleg constituted the seventh lunar mansion. It is possible that at one time han"at al-jawzd" and haq"at al-jawzd" were combined into one lunar mansion (see Hommel, 601-602), Al-BT- runT gives han"ah the position of 4 ° 17' 11" House of Gemini, or 64° 17'11" from the vernal equi- nox. Lunar Mansion 7. Dhird" (Engraved at 90° of the ecliptic, or 0° House of Cancer, at the point of the summer solstice) "The foreleg" (of the lion) was a name applied to the two stars in the heads of the Ptolemaic Gemini [afi Geminorum]. In the anwd" tradition these two stars were seen as forming one of the forelegs of an enormous lion, which covered an area of the heavens much larger than the Ptole- maic Leo. The lunar mansions numbered 7-11 and 14 all reflect the image of this large lion. The traditions were confused as to whether the "foreleg" formed by the two stars in Gemini was the "drawn up" leg {al-maqbudah) and the other foreleg, which was formed by the two stars of Canis Minor [afi Canis Minoris] was the "ex- tended" leg {al-mabsutah), or whether it was the other way around. There was, moreover, disa- greement as to which of these two groups of stars, those in Gemini or those in Canis Minor, constituted the lunar mansion. Authors fre- quently confused these names (Kunitzsch [1961], no. 83); al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns,], 345) adds that some interpreted the dhird" or seventh lunar mansion as being the two Sirii, that is Sirius [a Canis Majoris] and Procyon [a Canis Minoris]. Al-SufT {Suwar, 165) astutely and logically ar- gues that the groups of stars that rise first should be the "extended" leg. Since the northern dhird" [afi Geminorum] rises before the southern dhird" [afi Canis Minoris], the former rightly should be termed "the outstretched" and the latter "the 126 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY drawn up." In addition al-SQfT argued that since the northern dhird" [afi Geminorum] was closer to the ecliptic it must be the lunar mansion. Al- BTrQnT gives the position of the seventh lunar mansion as 17°18'35" of the House of Gemini, which is 77° 18'35" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 8. Nathrah (Engraved at 103° of the ecliptic, or 13° House of Cancer) Al-nathrah means "the cartilage of the nose," belonging to the image of the large lion of Bed- ouin tradition. Al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns.], 345; Astrol., sec. 164) applies this name, apparently using it in the broader sense of nose, to three stars in a row on the back of the Ptolemaic constellation of Cancer, the outside two stars being yd Cancri and the middle one the open cluster M44, called Praesepe or the Beehive, which was considered in both the Greek and Arabic traditions to be nebulous. Al-SQfT, on the other hand, uses the word nathrah only for "the smudge {latakhah) which resembles a bit of a nebula"—that is, for Praesepe, which was considered the first star of the con- stellation of Cancer. The two stars on either side [yb Cancri] he said {Suwar, 173) were called al- mankhardn (the two nostrils); the "smudge" in between was also named al-mukhatah (the mu- cus). The three stars together, according to al- SQfT, were traditionally called fam al-asad (the mouth of the lion). Al-BTrunT and al-SQfT record that this open cluster M44 was also traditionally called the uvula {al-lahdh) of the large lion. The position given by al-BTrQnT for the eighth man- sion is 0°0'0" of the House of Cancer, or the point of the summer solstice. Lunar Mansion 9. Tarf (Engraved at 11574° of the ecliptic, or 25y4° House of Cancer) The word tarf means the vision or glance (also of the large lion). It was applied by al-SQfT (5M- war, 173, 181) to two stars: the second formed star of the Ptolemaic Leo, which is the lower of the two on the mouth [X Leonis], and the second unformed star of Cancer [K Cancri]. This tradi- tion was also followed by al-BTrQnT (cf Kunitzsch [ 1961 ], no. 304a; Hommel, 602). Navigators des- ignated the two stars "ayn al-asad, "the eye of the lion" (Kunitzsch [1961], no, 46a). Al-BTrunT as- signed the position of 12°51'26" House of Can- cer, or 102°15'26" of the ecliptic, to the ninth lunar mansion. Lunar Mansion 10. Jabhah (Engraved at 128'/2° of ecliptic, or 8'/2° House of Leo) Al-jabhah (forehead), sometimes called jabhat al-asad (the forehead of the lion), was a name applied to four stars collectively and referred to the forehead of the large lion of the Bedouin tradition (Kunitzsch [1961], nos, 103a, 103b), These four stars are the two on the shoulder of the Ptolemaic Leo (nos, 5 and 6), the one to the southwest (no, 9), and the large star on the upper part of the front leg of Leo (no. 8 called Regulus; see Figure 67). These are ^yvot Leonis, respec- tively. The position of the tenth mansion, ac- cording to al-BTrQnT, should be 25°12'52" of the House of Cancer or 115°12'52" from the vernal equinox. Lunar mansions seven through ten were also commonly called kildb al-shitd" (the dogs of the winter or rain) (Kunitzsch [1961], no. 147). Lunar Mansion 11. Zubrah (Engraved at 141'/2° of ecliptic, or 21'/2° House of Leo) Al-SQfT says {Suwar, 181) of zubrat al-asad that it is "the mane of the lion, that is, his withers and shoulders" and identifies the mane of the large lion as nos. 20 and 22 of the Ptolemaic Leo [bd Leonis], which are the large star on the rump of Leo and the star at the top of the thigh (see Figure 67). See al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns.], 346) for further explanation of the word zubrah. NUMBER 46 127 These two stars were also called al-khardtdn, whose meaning is unclear; al-SufT says the sin- gular is khard, so that al-khardtdn would mean the two khard. Al-BTrQnT apparently takes the word from the root khrt, meaning to pierce with a hole, for he says they are called the khardtdn "as if each of them were penetrating into the interior of the lion" (cf. Hommel, 603 note 2; Kunitzsch [1961], no. 128). Al-BTrunT assigns the tenth mansion the posi- tion 8°31'18" of the House of Leo, or 128°31'18" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 12. Sarfah (Engraved at 154'/4° of ecliptic, or 4'/4° House of Virgo) The term sarfah (change [of weather]) was applied to a bright star behind the eleventh lunar mansion; al-SQfT identified the star as the one in the tail of the Ptolemaic Leo, no, 27 [fi Leonis]. The star was called sarfah, according to al-SQfT {Suwar, 181) and al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns.], 347) because of the change in the weather from heat with its rising at dawn before the sun and the change from cold weather with its setting at dawn. As part of the image of the larger lion of the Bedouin tradition, this star was called "the seed of the lion'' {qanb al-asad) according to al- SQfT, who added by way of explanation "that is to say, his scrotum" {wi"d" qadibihi). The tail of the large Bedouin lion was formed by the stars of the Ptolemaic Coma Berenices, called in Ara- bic al-hulbah, meaning the coarse hairs at the end of the tail, Al-BTrQnT assigned the position of 21°25'44" House of Leo, or 141°25'44" from the vernal equinox, to the twelfth mansion. Lunar Mansion 13. "Axvwd" (Engraved at I67'/4° along ecliptic, or 17'/4° House of Virgo) The meaning of the name "awwd" is uncertain, but it appears to be from a root meaning to howl or yelp, or to twist or bend. According to al-SufT the name was applied to five stars in the Ptole- maic constellation of Virgo, which formed roughly a 90° angle (see Figure 68). These five are the one at the top of the southern wing, the one on the southern shoulder, the one at the side of the waist nearest the ecliptic, the large one in the middle of the waist, and the large one on the northern wing near the elbow, nos. 5, 6, 7, 10, and 13, respectively [fi-qybe Virginis]. Al-SQfT {Su- war, 193) adds, however, that some people omit- ted no, 10, the one in the middle of the waist [b Virginis] and thus recognized only four stars in the thirteenth lunar mansion. Al-BTrQnT {Astrol., sec. 164) follows the latter tradition of four stars and accounts for the name "awwd" by saying that the Arabs spoke of dogs barking behind the large lion, thus interpreting "awwd" as howling. Al-SQfT too had mentioned that some saw four or five dogs here following the lion, and also added that the lunar mansion was sometimes called "awwd" al-bard "the "awwd" of the cold." The tradition of five stars, however, al-BTrQnT presents in another writing {Chron. [trns.], 346, 351) where he takes "awwd" to mean "to turn" because they are five stars in a line, the end of which is turned to form the 90° angle. See Hommel (604 note 1) and Kunitzsch [1961], no. 44 for further information on the meaning of "awwd". Al-BTrQnT gives the thirteenth mansion the position of 4°17'10" in the House of Virgo, or 154° 17'10" from the vernal equi- nox. Lunar Mansion 14. Simdk (Engraved at 180° of ecliptic, or 0° House of Libra, at the autumnal equinox) Two Stars each bear the name simdk: the large star on the southern hand of Virgo [a Virginis; Spica] and the large star at the hemline of Bootes [a Bootis; Arcturus], which is due north of Spica (see Figures 53 and 68). The name simdk is of ancient, perhaps Babylonian, origin. Its meaning has been obscured with time; hence it is impos- sible to give it an intelligible translation (see Hommel 595-596; Gundel &: Boker, cols. 509- 522; al-BTrQnT, Chron. [trns.], 347). These two stars, each called simdk, formed the two hind legs 128 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY of the large lion visualized in the anwd" tradition. Only the one in Virgo, however, constituted a lunar mansion. The full name of this star was al- simdk al-a"zal (the unarmed simdk), which distin- guished Spica from Arcturus, which bore the title al-simdk al-rdmih (the armed simdk). Arctu- rus was considered "the armed simak" because there are stars near it forming a lance or weapon, while no such weapon was seen to accompany Spica. As a lunar mansion rather than a star, however, Spica was mostly referred to simply as al-simdk. The fourteenth lunar mansion is given the position of 17°8'35" of the House of Virgo, or 167°8'35" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 15. Ghafr (Engraved at 193° along ecliptic, or 13° House of Libra) The meaning of the name al-ghafr is not at all clear; it was applied to three stars in the Ptole- maic constellation Virgo: the star in her foot nearest the ecliptic and the two at the hemline, nos. 22, 23, and 25, [LKX Virginis]. Al-BTrQnT {Astrol., sec. 164) states that only the two stars on the hemline {dhayl) constitute the lunar man- sion, while elsewhere {Chron. [trns.], 347) he has the more common tradition of three inconspic- uous stars. Many etymologies are presented in the Arabic astronomical literature for the word ghafr, the most common being that the name was applied because the stars were inconspicuous. Al-SQfT {Suwar, 194) in his discussion of Virgo says of this mansion "they also say that it is called al- ghafr, for, because of the imperfection of the light of its stars, they say it was veiled (from the root ghfr)—that is, it was obscured." Shortly thereafter he continues "they also say it is called al-ghafr because it is above the two claws of the scorpion, and for this reason it is called al-mighfar (the helmet) which is over the head of a man." Another derivation is that the root means to have a covering of hair, that is, it is seen as the coarse hair which is at the tip of the lion's tail. This explanation, however, shows confusion in the use of the star names, for the hair at the end of the lion's tail was represented by the group of stars called al-hulbah (coarse hair) in the anwd" tradi- tion, which corresponded to the Ptolemaic aster- ism of Coma Berenices translated into Arabic as al-dafirah, meaning a lock of human hair. There appears to have been some confusion in the names applied to Coma and those of the four- teenth and fifteenth lunar mansions, Al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns.], 347) briefly gives all three derivations, adding that al-ghafr was con- sidered the best of the lunar mansions because it stands behind the lion and before the scorpion. "The evil of the lion lies in his teeth and claws, the evil of the scorpion lies in its venom and the stingof its tail." He says it was commonly asserted that the horoscopes of all the prophets lay in this mansion—a point that he disputes. He gives the position of the fifteenth mansion as 0°0'0" of the House of Libra, which is the autumnal equi- nox. Lunar Mansion 16. Zubdnd (Engraved at 205y4° along ecliptic, or 25%° House of Libra) Zubdnd (the two claws [of the scorpion]) ap- plied to the two large stars, each of which is in one of the pans of the balance of the constellation Libra [a''^ fi Librae]. This lunar mansion reflects the more ancient Babylonian concept of a scor- pion larger than the now familiar Scorpio, of which the constellation now known as Libra formed the claws (Hartner [3], 501; Gundel & Boker, 534-535). Ptolemy in his catalog did not call this constellation a balance but rather the claws {xvXotl) of the scorpion, and so these two were nos. 1 and 2 in his listing for the claws. Not long after Ptolemy, however, the concept of a balance in this area of the heavens was well established and firmly superimposed upon the earlier claws of a large scorpion. In the Arabic tradition the older Bedouin names reflect this ancient image of a large scorpion. See Hommel (597) and Gundel and Boker for a discusion of the origin and meaning of the word zubdnd. Al- SQfT {Suwar, 202) adds that the two stars were called also yadd al-"aqrab "the two hands of the NUMBER 46 129 scorpion" and qarnd al-"aqrab "the two horns of the scorpion," The position given by al-BTrunT for the mansion is 12°51'26" of the House of Libra, or 192°5r26" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 17. Iklil (Engraved at 218y4 ° of ecliptic or 8V4° House of Scorpio) The tradition is not consistent with regard to this lunar mansion, which is called al-iklil (the crown), Al-SQfT {Suwar, 202-204) in his discus- sion of the constellation Libra (see Figures 69 and 70) says that opinions differ among the Arabs with regard to the seventeenth lunar mansion, and presented five different interpretations of iklil. (1) Three stars across the bar supporting the scales of Libra; the one at the southern end of the bar was not observed by Ptolemy and is not indicated on the Smithsonian globe. These three stars are no, 8 of the formed stars of Libra at the north end of the bar [6 Librae]; no, 6 of the unformed stars of Libra above the bar [K Librae, or according to Peters &c Knobel it is O'' Arg, 14782, while the fifth unformed is AC Librae], and the one not observed by Ptolemy at the southern tip. On globes Nos, 4 and 5 the word al-iklil is engraved at the head of the scales, indicating that this interpretation was in the mind of the makers. (2) Three stars in a row in the constellation of Scorpio, nos. 1-3 of the formed stars. These are no. 1 in the middle of the three contiguous stars on the forehead of Scorpio, no. 3 in the southern claw, and the star in between, which is no, 2 [fibir Scorpii, respectively], Al-SufT rejected this inter- pretation and asserted that iklil must be one of the other four interpretations that are above the head of Scorpio, Al-BTrQnT {Chron. [trns,], 348) objected to al-SufT's position and asserted that the common view, not withstanding al-SQfT, was that iklil was composed of these three stars in a straight line, (3) Three stars, one of which is no, 8 formed of Libra [6 Librae] at the northern end of the bar supporting the scales; the other two are no, 6 unformed of Libra [K Librae}] above the bar, and no, 8 unformed of Libra which is the northern of the two on either side of the southern claw of Scorpio [Flam, 39], (4) Five stars which include the three of the previous interpretation along with no, 9 of the unformed stars of Libra, which is the southern of the two stars on either side of the southern claw of Scorpio [Flam, 40] and a star of sixth magnitude not mentioned by Ptolemy near the no. 6 unformed of Libra near the center of the bar supporting the scales, (5) Five stars, which consist of the star at the northern end of the bar of Libra [no, 8 formed; 6 Librae] the star above the bar and to the south [no, 6 unformed; K Librae ?], and three stars not seen by Ptolemy, all of which are above the three in the forehead of Scorpio and which were given as the second interpretation of iklil. Al-BTrQnT gives the position of the seventeenth lunar mansion along the ecliptic as 25°42'52" House of Libra, or 205°42'52" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 18. Qalb (Engraved at 231 V2° of ecliptic, or 21 '/2 ° House of Scorpio Qalb (heart) or qalb al-"aqrab (heart of the scorpion) was the given to the eighth star in Scorpio, second from the end of the body (see Figure 70), which is the sixteenth brightest star in the heavens {a Scorpionis). The notion of the "heart of the scorpion" arises from the anwd" tradition and not from the Greek tradition of Scorpio, in which this star was called Antares, meaning "similar to Mars" since its color, red, resembled that of the planet Mars (see Gundel & Boker, colums 509-522). The position given by al-BTrunT is 8°34'18" of the House of Scorpio, or 218°34'18" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 19. Shawlah (Engraved at 244° of the ecliptic, or 4° House of Sagittarius) The title al-shawlah (the raised tail) or shawlat al-"aqrab (the raised tail of the scorpion) was 130 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY applied to the two stars at the tip of the tail of Scorpio, nos. 20 and 21 [Xv Scorpionis]. Al-SQfT {Suwar, 209) also gives the name ibrat al-"aqrab (the sting of the scorpion) as a common designa- tion of these two stars comprising the nineteenth lunar mansion. Al-BTrQnT gives it the position of 21°25'14" of the House of Scorpio or 231°25'14" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 20. Na"d"im (Engraved at 257° of the ecliptic, or 17° House of Sagittarius) The title al-na"d"im (the ostriches) was applied to a group of eight stars identified by al-SQfT {Suwar, 219-220) as being in the Ptolemaic con- stellation of Sagittarius. The Milky Way passes through this constellation across the figure's bow and arm. In the Bedouin tradition the Milky Way {majarrah) was viewed as a river with one group of four ostriches going toward the river and another group of four leaving the river on the other side. The arriving ostriches {al-na"d"im al- wdrid or al-na"dm al-wdrid) were nos. 1,2,3, and 25 of Sagittarius: the one of the arrowhead, the one in the hand holding the arrow, the one at the southern tip of the bow and the one in the hoof of the raised front leg [yber] Sagittarii]. The departing ostriches {al-na"d"im al-sddir or al- na"dm al-sddir) were nos. 6, 7, 21, and 22 of Sagittarius, consisting of the one in the hand drawing the bow, the one in front of the hand, and the two below [aipr^ Sagittarii]. The eight taken together were called the ostriches. Al-BT- rQnT gives the twentieth lunar mansion the posi- tion of 4° 17'10" in the House of Sagittarius, or 244° 17'10" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 21. Baldah (Engraved at 270°, or the point of the winter solstice) The area beneath the fluttering band extend- ing behind the head of Sagittarius was called al- baldah (the place) and was said to contain no stars (see Figure 71). Al-SQfT {Suwar, 220) called it an open space under al-qilddah [i.e., ^oirdpv Sagit- tarii] in which there is no star. Al-BTrunT {Chron. [trns.], 348; Astrol., 164) does not mention such a view of al-SQfT's, but compares this desert area {mafdzah) to the space between two eyebrows. Kunitzsch ([1961], no. 51) identifies the area as that around Flam. 53, x^'^ h'-^ Sagittarii, while Hartner ([3] 502) says it is near TT Sagittarii. Al- BTrQnT gives this lunar mansion the position of 17°8'35" House of Sagittarius or 257°8'35" from the vernal equinox. Lunar Mansion 22. Dhdbih (Engraved at 28274° of the ecliptic, or 1274° House of Capricorn) The full name of the twenty-second lunar man- sion is sa"d al-dhdbih, the meaning of which is so obscure that it is virtually impossible to translate. The twenty-second lunar mansion is one of ten groups of sa"d stars, each of which, with two exceptions consists of two stars. Four of these sa"d star groups are lunar mansions; between the two stars comprising each group there is a dis- tance of one dhird", which for al-SQfT is about 2° 20'. Of the other six 5a"